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Author: 


Lowe,  Boutelle  Ellsworth 


Title: 

Representative  industry 
and  trade  unionism  of... 

Place: 

New  York 

Date: 

[1912] 


qi\-'^aoo\-\ 


MASTER   NEGATIVE   « 


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267 
L95 


Lowe,  Boutelle  Ellsworth,  1890- 

Ilepresentative  industry  and  trade  unionism  of 
an  American  city,  by  Boutelle  Elsworth  Lowe... 
How  York,  Gray  £l91J>, 

vii,  78  p.   19  cm, 

A  study  of  tho  industrial  development  of  Roches^ 
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LIBRARY 


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Representative  Industry 
and  Trade  Unionism 


of  an 


American  City 


BY 


BOUTELLE  ELSWORTH  LOWE,  A.  M. 


Published  by 

W.    D.    GRAY 

106  SEVENTH  AVENUE 
NEW  YORK 


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FOREWORD 

Rochester  is  the  third  largest  city  in  the  State  of  New 
York,  possessing  a  population  of  approximately  230,000. 
It  IS  neither  a  large  city  nor  a  small  city  but  an  aver- 
age American  city  reflecting,  in  certain  respects,  average 
mdustrial  conditions  in  the  United  States.     If,  for  ex- 
ample, we  draw  a  comparison  between  the  United  States 
and  this  city  in  respect  of  the  five  leading  causes  of 
strikes,  we  find  that  the  same  causes  in  the  same  order 
of  importance  hold  equally  good  for  the  city  as  for  the 
nation  during  the  last  twenty-five  years.    Again  we  find 
that  when  during  1889-1890  the  percentage  of  successful 
stnkes  m  the  United  States  was  above  the  average  the 
same  was  true  of  Rochester;  and  when  during  1892- 
1894  the  percentage  was  below  the  average,  again  the 
same  held  true  for  Rochester,  and  when  during  1890- 
1905  the  percentage  rose  approximately  to  8  per  cent 
above  the  average  throughout  the  country,  it  likewise 
rose  to  9  per  cent  in  this  city.    In  some  respects  the  city's 
industrial  status  is  quite  superior  to  average  Ameri<L 
conditions.     It  is  claimed  that  Rochester  industries  are 
60  per  cent  more  diversified  than  the  average  conditions 

11^177"^-^  °"  *^  *'**'"'"  ^""""^  *^  ^"<^««^  *-t  has 
attended  the  efforts  of  organized  labor  is  somewhat  be- 
low the  average  as  compared  with  the  results  achieved 
by  American  trade  unionism  in  other  places 

The  city  led  in  the  transition  from  the  handicraft  to 
the  factory  stage  in  the  manufacture  of  men's  ready- 
Ill  ^ 


FORE  WORD— Continued 

made  clothing.  It  was  the  first  city  in  the  United  States 
to  organize  a  City  Central  Trades'  and  Labor  Council  to 
serve  as  a  clearing  house  for  the  trade  unions  of  the 
municipality.  Its  example  in  this  respect  was  widely  fol- 
lowed throughout  the  country.  It  has  the  largest  manu- 
factories of  thermometers,  optical  instruments  and  pho- 
tographic supplies  in  the  world.  The  following  pages 
treat  the  principal  phases  of  the  city's  industrial  develop- 
ment during  the  past  quarter  of  a  century. 

This  monograph  had  its  origin  in  an  investigation  car- 
ried on  by  the  writer  while  a  graduate  student  in  The 
University  of  Rochester.  Documentary  study  has  been 
supplemented  by  personal  interviews  with  trade-imion 
officials  and  employers  of  labor  and  by  the  immediate 
study  of  labor  conditions.  The  writer  wishes  to  express 
his  appreciation  of  the  suggestions  received  from  Pro- 
fessor William  Kirk,  Head  of  the  Department  of  Eco- 
nomics, and  of  the  helpful  criticism  received  from  Dr. 
Frank  T.  Stockton  of  this  Department. 
Rochester,  191 2.  B.  L. 


\ 


CONTENTS. 
PART  I. 


Foreword    . 

•  •  • 

y'  I.  A  Brief  Industrial  Survey 

Milling  Interests  . 
Boot  and  Shoe  Industry 
Clothing  Trade     . 
Nurseries  and  Seedfarms 
Table  of  Industries     . 
Factory  Conditions 
Labor  Force 


Page 
.    Ill 

3 
3 
3 
4 
4 
5 
17 
17 


IV 


III.  Strikes  and  Their  Significance 

Table  Comparing  the  Relation  of  the  Percent- 
age of  Successful  Strikes  to  the  Prosperity 
of  the  Times,  in  Rochester  and  the  United 

States  . 

•         •         •         . 

The  Causes  of  the  Strikes  . 

"         •         • 

For  Increase  of  Wages 

Concerning    Recognition    of    the   Union    and 

Union  Rules 
For  Reduction  of  Hours 

y 


20 
22 


II.  Growth  and  Extent  of  Trade-Unionism 
Table  of  Unions  . 

Strength  of  Organized  and  Unorganized  Labor    23 
Central  Trades  and  Labor  Council  and  Build- 
ing Trades  Council         ....     24 


27 


75 
29 

29 

30 
30 


CONTENTS— Continued 


Against  Reduction  ^f  Wages  .         .         .30 

The  Sympathetic  Strike         .  .         .         •     3© 

Employers'  Agreements         .  .  .         .     3^ 

Piecework   .......     3^ 

Other  Causes       .         .         .         .         .         -     Z^ 

Table  Comparing  the  Causes  of  the  Strikes  in 

Rochester  and  the  United  States      .  .     76 

Strikes  According  to  Trades  .  .         .         -32 

Building  Trades  .....     32 

Shoe  Workers      ......     32 

Printers        .......     33 

Machinists  .......     33 

Iron  Molders 33 

Clothing  Workers         .  .  .         .  -33 

Factory  Girls        ......     34 

Strikes  of  Organized  and  Unorganized  Labor    34 
Status  of  Organized  Labor  in  Rochester  .     35 


PART  IL 

.  The  Leading  Industry 
Development  of  Clothii 
Factory  Buildings 
Welfare  Work     . 

ig  Tr; 

ade 

39 

41 

.     42 

.     42 

Hours  of  Labor  . 

•     43 

Wages 
Home  Work 

43 
44 

Living  Conditions 
Female  Employees 
Male  Employees  . 
Child  I-abor 

45 
.     46 
.     47 

47 

Racial  Characteristics 

.     47 

V 

I 

CONTENTS— Continued 

II.  Trade  Unionism  in  the  Clothing  Trade  .  .  49 
Conditions  Leading  to  Lockout  of  1891  .  .  50 
Clothiers'  Exchange  and  Employers*  Policy   ,     53 

Lockout  of  1891 55 

Reorganization  and  Progress  After  the  Lockout    56 
Strike  of  1903-4  .         .         .         .         .         .58 

Anti-union  Shops  .         .         .  .         .60 

Present  Status  of  Garment  Workers'  Unions  .     60 


III.  Union  Policies  of  Garment  Workers 
Forms  of  Organization 
Interference  of  National  Officers  in  Local 

ters       .... 
Union  Rules 
Standard  Wages  . 
Limitation  of  Work     . 
Shorter  Workday 
Overtime  Work  . 
Apprenticeship  Rules    . 
Methods  of  Rule  Enforcement 
Boycott        .... 
Blacklisting  a  Position  . 
Label  .... 

Qosed  Shop 
Welfare  Features 
Benefits       .... 
Labor  Bureau 

Aid  Policy  .... 
Protection  of  Public  Health  . 
Authorities  Consulted  . 


Mat- 


62 
62 

64 

65 

65 

65 
66 

66 
67 
68 
68 
70 

71 

71 
72 

72 

72 

73 
73 
78 


VII 


I 


CHAPTER  I. 

A  BRIEF  INDUSTRIAL  SURVEY 

The  industrial  beginnings  of  Rochester  were  very 
humble.  In  1789  Ebenezer  Allan  built  a  gristmill  at  the 
Genesee  Falls, — "a  mill  as  yet  without  customers,  and 
which  at  its  raising,  although  mustering  every  white  man 
in  the  region  and  the  country  round  about,  had  but  four- 
teen wherewithal  to  make  merry  with  the  canoe  load  of 
rum  which  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  just  in 
season."  ^ 

Milling  Interests. — A  second  mill  was  built  in  1807, 
and  "by  1834  Rochester  had  become  the  greatest  manu- 
factory of  flour  in  the  world,  turning  out  six  hundred 
thousand  barrels  of  flour  annually, — Genesee  flour  having 
achieved  a  world-wide  fame."  ^  Numerous  inventions 
and  improvements  subsequent  to  1870  have  given  an 
added  impetus  to  this  branch  of  industry,  and,  although 
Rochester  has  yielded  to  the  West  its  pre-eminence  as 
the  leading  flour-producing  center  of  the  nation,  its  out- 
put of  this  commodity  has  not  diminished. 

Boot  and  Shoe  Industry. — For  about  fifty  years  the 
city  has  been  noted  for  the  manufacture  of  shoes,  turning 
out  in  men's,  ladies',  boys',  children's  and  infants'  shoes 
a  product  worth  over  $8,000,000  in  1905,^  and  estimated 
at  present  to  be  worth  about  $18,000,000. 

1  Parker,  Rochester,  A  Story  Historical,  p.  51. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  388. 

^See  report  of  Federal  Commissioner  of  Labor  on  Woman 
and  Child  Wage  Earners  in  United  States  transmitted  to  the 
Senate,  Aug.  8,  1910. 


INDUSTRY  AND    TRADE    UNIONISM 

Clothing  Trade. — ^The  last  mentioned  industry  is  sur- 
passed in  magnitude  by  but  one  other  and  that  is  the 
manufacture  of  men's  ready-made  clothing,  of  which  a 
more  detailed  study  appears  in  succeeding  chapters.  In 
1884  J.  M.  Parker  wrote :  "Forty  years  ago,  when  it  was 
feared  by  our  citizens  that,  from  one  cause  and  another, 
the  milling  interest  might  not  keep  pace  with  the  same 
industry  in  other  parts  of  the  country,  thus  retarding 
the  growth  and  prosperity  of  the  city,  it  was  hoped  that 
our  excellent  water  power  would  attract  other  kinds  of 
business,  and  make  up  for  what  might  be  lost  in  connec- 
tion with  the  manufacture  of  flour,  which  first  gave 
Rochester  its  early  and  rapid  growth.  This  hope  to  a 
considerable  extent  has  been  realized.  Still  it  is  plain  to 
be  seen  that  Rochester  no  longer  is  dependent  upon  its 
water  power  to  insure  its  future  prosperity.  The  'Sewing 
Machine'  is  already  doing  more  than  the  water  power  can 
do  hereafter.  The  important  industry  of  clothing  manu- 
facture is  one  of  the  most  extensive  and  important  in  our 
city.  More  than  twenty  firms  composed  of  thorough 
business  men,  and  with  ample  capital  are  giving  work 
to  thousands  of  operatives,  thus  indicating  most  plainly 
its  vast  importance  to  our  city."*  The  value  of  the 
clothing  output  was  over  $i4,ooo,cxx)  in  1905  and  is  esti- 
mated at  $22,000,000  now.  Although  the  production  of 
clothing  and  shoes  comprises  the  two  leading  industries 
of  the  city,  Rochester  does  not  lead  the  country  in  the 
output  of  either  of  these  articles. 

Nurseries  and  Seedfarms. — The  nurseries  and  seed- 
farms  in  and  around,  Rochester  have  become  world- 
famed.  The  celebratd  firm  of  Ellwanger  &  Barry  is 
counted  among  the  founders  of  the  nursery  industry, 

^Rochester,  A  Story  etc.,  p.  390. 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

while  James  Vick  is  named  the  pioneer  in  America  in  the 
systematic  growing  of  flower  seeds. 

Other  Important  Industries.~The  city  possesses  over 
1400  manufacturing  establishments ;  among  them  a  ther- 
mometer plant,  an  optical  works  and  a  manufactory  of 
photographic  supplies,  each  one  of  which  is  the  largest 
establishment  of  its  kind  in  the  world.  Other  important 
commodities  produced  in  large  quantities  are  steel  tanks, 
paper  boxes,  buttons,  lubricating  oil,  canned  fruit  and 
vegetables,  cider  and  vinegar,  telephones,  beer,  furniture, 
carnages,  lithographic  materials,  perfumes,  picture 
frames,  etc. 

Table  of  Industries. 


Agricultural  and  Dairy. 


Agricultural  Implements 

Cream  Separators 

Fertilizer 

Nurserymen    

Seedsmen    

Sprayers    

Stanchions    


No.  of  Firms. 

4 

I 

2 

26 

6 

2 

2 


Amusement 

Billiard  Tables 

Bowling  Alley  Balls  and  Ten  Pins 
Fishing  Table 


I 
I 

I 


'Under  this  classification  there  is  some  repetition  in  stating 
the  number  of  firms.  See  publications  of  Chamber  of  Com- 
merce. 


till 


INDUSTRY  AND    TRADE    UNIONISM 

Books,  Paper,  Printing  and  Supplies. 

No.  of  Firms. 

Blank  Books 5 

Blue  Printing  Machinery i 

Book  Binding 9 

Die  Stamipng 3 

Electrotype  Foundries    4 

Engravers   26 

Paste    3 

Printers   85 

Printers'  Composition i 

Printers'  Rollers   2 

Printers'  Supplies   2 

Publishers,  etc 34 

Sales  Books i 


Building  Materials  and  Supplies. 

Architectural  Iron  Works 7 

Cabinet  Makers   4 

Cement  and  Concrete  Blocks 12 

Concrete  Roofing  Tiles 

Conduit  Pipe   

Cornices  (metal)   

Cut  Stone 

Drain  Pipe   

Elevators 5 

Elevator  Doors i 

Fence   (iron)    4 

Fire  Escapes 3 

Floor  Tile 2 

Flue  Linings i 

Furnaces   5 

6 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

Grille  Work  ^"["'^r"" 

Interior  Wood  Work 22 

Iron   Columns    

Locks  

2 

Mail  Chutes  

Mantles,  Grates  and  Tilings ^ 

Marble  Workers   .....!.!...  5 

Masons'  Supplies ^  *    \ 

Mouldings ^ 

Paints    

Plaster ...'.!........ ^ 

Radiators ^ 

Roofing    

Sash  Balances  and  Locks  j 

Sewer  Pipe 

Sidewalks    i 

Structural  Steel   

Varnishes    

Ventilators  and  Skylights !.......*     2 

Weather  Strips 

Wire  Screens  (door  and  window) .!.....     i 

Chemical  Products. 

Barbers'  Supplies 

Disinfectants    ^ 

Fire  Extinguishers   

Fireworks   

Germicides  and  Insecticides  . 

Manufacturing   Chemists c 

Medicine   

22 

Metal  Hardening  Solutions "  *     j 

7 


INDUSTRY  AND    TRADE   UNIONISM 
Q.<  No.  of  Firms. 

Perfumes    ^ 

Polishers   

Toilet  Specialties 7^ 

Cutlery  and  Tools. 
Cutlery 

Edge  Tolls *..'.*.!.!!!!!!!. ^ 

Saws    

Tools    

5 

Electricity  and  Gas, 

Electrical  Apparatus g 

Electric  Power 

Electric  Motors  . 

Gas ' '^ '.'.'.','/,'.[]' '. ' 

Gas  Applances  

Gas  Engines  

Gas  Machines  ...  

I 

Founders. 
Brass  Founders  ^ 

Iron  Founders  . 

7 

Glass. 

Cut  Glass 

Glass  Workers ^ 

Glass  Manufacturers 

Mirrors    

Stained  and  Art  Glass ^ 

8 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

Household  Equipment. 

T»  J     ,-r                                                           ^°-  ^^  Firms. 
Beds,  Mattresses,  Supplies 3 

Cans,  Pails,  Tubs  j 

Carpets  and  Rugs  ^ 

Chairs    

Couches  

Draperies,  Curtains,  etc j 

Furniture    

Furniture  Supplies   *  ]  ]  ^  . 

Hassocks  

Iron  Clothing  Posts   j 

Ironing  Boards j 

Kitchen  Apparatus   - 

Lamps    

Refrigerators    

Silverware    

Stoves    

Vacuimi  Cleaners - 

Washboards    

Washing  Machines    j 

Window  and  Door  Screens j 

Household  Supplies. 

Bakers   

Baking  Powder  ^ 

Bluing    '.'.'.'.'.'.]'.]] 

Brewers 

_.  10 

Brewers'  Supplies  ^ 

Brooms    

9 

Brushes   

Canned  Goods  

9 


INDUSTRY  AND    TRADE    UNIONISM 

No.  of  Firms. 

Cider  and  Vinegar  3 

Confectioners   21 

Distillers    3 

Evaporated  Fruits i 

Flavoring  Extracts   12 

Flour    II 

Food  Products 7 

Fruit  Products i 

Ice  (artificial)    2 

Ice  Cream 9 

Jams    3 

Ketchups,  etc i 

Liquors,  Wines,  etc 2 

Macaroni 2 

Peanut  Butter i 

Pork  Products i 

Potato  Chips 2 

Sausages    6 

Soap    4 

Soda  and  Mineral  Waters,  Grape  Juice,  Ginger, 

Beer  12 

Spices    I 

Tissue  Paper   i 

Leather,  Rubber  Goods,  Furs. 

Fur  Tanners i 

Leather  Specialties   4 

Rubber  Goods   3 

Machinery  and  Supplies. 

Babbit  Metal   3 

Barrel  Machinery   2 

10 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

No.  of  Firms. 
Belting ^ 

Boilers  c 

Boiler  Compound 2 

Concrete  Machinery   ^ 

Dishwashing  Machinery j 

Evaporating  Machinery  j 

Hoisting  and  Carrying  Devices i 

Laundry  Machinery  and  Supplies 2 

Lubricating  Devices   j 

Machinery .y 

Machine  Tools - 

Machinists'  Supplies  3 

Pattern  and  Model  Makers 7 

Pumps    ^ 

Woodworking  Machinery j 

Merchandising  Apparatus,  Devices,  Supplies 

Advertising   Novelties    c 

Badges    

Calendars    

Celluoloid  Novelties   j 

Display  Fixtures  . 

Office  Furniture ^ 

Office  Specialties j^ 

Show  Cards   

Soda  Fountains   j 

Soda  Fountain  Requisites j 

Stores  and  Office  Fixtures  7 

Vending  Machines j 

Metal  Work. 

Ball  Bearings 

11 


INDUSTRY  AND    TRADE    UNIONISM 

No.  of  Firms. 

Brass  and  Copper  Goods 2 

Drop  Forgings  i 

Gold  Leaf i 

Hardware  Specialties   12 

Metal  Specialties,  Supplies 5 

Screws  i 

Sheet  Metal  Work 14 

Smelters  and  Refiners i 

Solder I 

Steel  Balls i 

Wire  Goods   3 

Miscellaneous 

Abstracting  Machines i 

Awnings,  Tents,  Flags  3 

Barber  Chairs i 

Charcoal    2 

Check  Protectors 2 

Church  Furniture   2 

Cistern  and  Tanks 3 

College  Seals   i 

Commtmion  Outfits i 

Crayon  I 

Drafting  Furniture  i 

Dust  Collectors,  Blower  Pipes i 

Faucets    3 

Inks    2 

Ladders  2 

Lanterns    6 

Parasolls  and  Umbrellas  i 

Picture  Frame  Mouldings  10 

12 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

No.  of  Firms. 

Pins   I 

Pipes    2 

Pipe  Cleaners  and  Stems 5 

Poultry  Coops   i 

Railway  Signals i 

Railway  Specialties i 

Rubber  Stamps,  Stencils,  etc 4 

Scales,  Trucks,  etc i 

Statuary    2 

Tacks  I 

Tallow  2 

Telephones    j 

Thread 3 

Tobacco 3 

Typewriter  Supplies  16 

Wood  Carvers  6 

Mortuary 

Caskets    2 

Casket  Trimmings i 

Mausoleums    i 

Monuments i 

Undertakers'  Supplies 2 

Musical  Instruments 

Musical  Instruments 4 

Pianos    4 

Piano  Cases  2 

Piano  Players 2 

U 


INDUSTRY  AND    TRADE    UNIONISM 

Packages  and  Materials 

No.  of  Firms. 
Paper  Bags 2 

Barrels ^ 

Baskets    o 

Boxes — Fibre    2 

Boxes — Paper 21 

Boxes — Wood 7 

Box  Machinery a 

Egg  Carriers j 

Egg  Trays i 

Suit  Cases ^ 

Traveling  Bags,  etc 3 

Trunks 2 

Personal  Apparel. 

Buttons    -* 

Caps  ^ 

Cloaks  and  Suits ^ 

Clothing 2% 

Cloth  Sponging  Machinery i 

Coat  Pads j 

Collars  and  Cuffs 2 

Corsets - 

Feathers  and  Ostrich  Plumes 2 

Furriers jq 

Gloves    J 

Hair  Goods j 

Hats 7 

Hooks  and  Eyes  (garment) i 

Jewelers,  Engravers   13 

14 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

No.  of  Firms. 

Knit  Goods i 

Neckwear    5 

Regalias  and  Uniforms 3 

Shirts 5 

Shoe  and  Boot  Patterns,  Lasts,  Tools 8 

Shoe  Machinery 3 

Shoe  Manufacturers  48 

Shoe  Racks 2 

Shoe  Supplies 12 

Specialties  i 

Tailors'  Accessories   I 

Trousers,  Overalls i 

Underwear    3 

Woolen  Goods  i 

Photographic  Apparatus  and  Supplies. 

Cameras 5 

Fire  Proof  Film i 

Photographic  Supplies 13 

Special  Photographic  Apparatus 2 

Plating  and  Stamping. 

Nickel  Plated  Goods 10 

Perforated  Metals 3 

Stamping    3 

Stencil  Cutters i 

Scientific  Apparatus  and  Supplies. 

Barometers    i 

Drafting  Instruments  i 

Lens,  Crystal   i 

15 


INDUSTRY  AND    TRADE    UNIONISM 

No.  of  Firms. 

Lens— Grinders  (prescription) c 

Microscopes * ? 

Natural  History  Supplies  and  Apparatus i 

Optical  Goods *    *     - 

Optical  Instruments ]     ^ 

Surgical,  Orthopedic,  and  Medicinal  Supplies, 

Arch  Supports 

Artificial  Limbs  *      *  *  ^ 

Deformity  Appliances [  ^ 

Dental  Chairs *  *  *  ^ 

Dental  Engines - 

Scientific  Instruments,  not  Otherwise  Specified.  .*  i 

Sterilizers  and  Bacteriological  Apparatus i 

Surgical  Instruments j 

Truss  and  Abdominal  Supporters 3 

Thermometers    ^ 

Thermostats   j 

Transportation  Devices  and  Supplies 
Automobiles    

Automobile  Accessories  and  Supplies 15 

Automobile   Motors    \  j 

Baby  Carriages  and  Go-Carts *  2 

Boat  Builders 

Carriages .....!....  10 

Carriage  and  Hearse  Trimmings \.\\.\\  3 

Carriage  Washers   *  ^ 

Car  Wheels * 

Fire  Apparatus '  ^ 

Harness  '  ^^ 

23 

16 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

No.  of  Firms. 

Head  Lights 4 

Hearses   i 

Horse  Collars 3 

Wagons   10 

Whips    I 


Factory  Conditions. — The  city  is  essentially  a  fac- 
tory town  and  presents  a  noteworthy  example  of  the 
possibilities  and  advantages  of  factory  distribution  as 
opposed  to  the  factory  concentration  which  is  respon- 
sible for  the  unsanitary,  ugly  and  congested  factory 
sections  in  many  of  our  industrial  centers.  The  fac- 
tories are  scattered  about  the  city  and  frequently  are 
surrounded  by  well-kept  lawns;  in  many  instances  they 
are  in  close  proximity  to  elegant  residence  sections.  For 
example,  adjacent  to  the  campus  of  The  University  of 
Rochester  on  the  north  and  east  is  a  row  of  large,  mod- 
em factories,  but  a  few  blocks  from,  and  running  par- 
allel with,  East  Avenue,  the  wealthiest  residence  section 
of  the  city.  Of  the  many  industrial  establishments  with 
modern  facilities  conspiring  for  the  health,  well-being 
and  general  convenience  of  the  employees,  the  city  has 
reason  to  be  proud. 

These  favorable  observations,  however,  are  not  in- 
tended to  conceal  the  fact  that  there  are  conditions, 
even  in  Rochester,  which  it  would  be  better  to  improve  ; 
for  on  the  Genesee  (which,  although  it  might  be  the 
prettiest,  is  in  many  places  the  most  unsightly  and  malo- 
dorous, section  of  the  city)  are  factory  buildings  and 
basements  in  which  distinctly  bad  conditions  have  been 
known  to  prevail. 

Labor  Force. — The  employees  for  the  most  part  have 

17 


INDUSTRY  AND    TRADE    UNIONISM 

their  own  separate  houses,  enclosed  by  a  small  lawn  and 
located  in  various  parts  of  the  city,  a  condition  greatly 
facilitated  by  an  efficient  electric-car  service.  Of  the 
city's  75,000  wage  earners,  over  48,000  work  in  factories.^ 

Men  in  factories 31,637 

Youths  (16  to  18) 972 

Boys  ( 14  to  16)   316 

Women  in  factories 14,691 

Girls  (14  to  16)   450 

Total   48,066 

In  the  percentage  of  its  population  employed  in  shops  and 
factories  the  city  ranks  third  in  the  state/ 

The  following  table  indicates  the  general  distribution 
of  labor.® 

Metals,  Machines,  Conveyances 14,986 

Clothing,    Millinery,   Laundry 12,121 

Leather  and  Rubber  Goods 8,912 

Wood  Manufactures   4,596 

Food,  Liquors  and  Tobacco 4,404 

Printing  and  Paper  Goods 3,294 

Stone,  Clay  and  Glass  Products 820 

Chemicals,  Oils  and  Paints 794 

Textiles    7^6 

Water,  Light  and  Power 280 

Paper  and  Pulp 25 

6  See  Publications  of  Rochester  Chamber  of  Commerce,  1912. 
^  Article,  as  yet  unpublished,  by  Dr.  Paul  Moore  Strayer. 
«  See  Publications  of  Rochester  Chamber,  etc.,  1912. 

18 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

This  table  serves  to  illustrate  the  diversity  of  the  city's 
industries,  which  makes  it  possible  for  labor  to  find  em- 
ployment the  year  round.  "The  industries  of  Rochester 
are  60  per  cent  more  diversified  than  the  average  con- 
dition of  the  country."  ® 

A  large  percentage  (about  31  or  32  per  cent)  of  the 
female  population  are  breadwinners.^^  The  main  indus- 
tries employing  women  are  as  follows: 

Tailoring  establishments 

Boots  and  shoes 

Canning  and  preserving 

Optical  and  photographic  apparatus 

Laundry 

Dressmaking 

Buttonmaking 

Chemical  and  drugs 

Paper  boxes  and  tubes. 

It  is  claimed  that  the  ratio  of  skilled  to  unskilled  labor 
is  three  to  one.  That  the  labor  force  is  of  unusually  high- 
grade  character  is  borne  out  by  a  study  of  the  population, 
a  condition  largely  due  to  the  character  of  the  indus- 
tries of  the  city.  A  spirit  of  friendliness  exists  between 
employer  and  employee  which  is  unusual  for  this  age  of 
economic  and  class  competition.  The  situation  in  the  city 
with  reference  to  organized  labor  will  be  considered  in 
following  chapters. 

» Ibid. 

*o  Paper  by  Dr.  Strayer. 


19 


4 1 

1 


CHAPTER  II 

Growth  and  Extent  of  Trade-Unionism 

Rochester  trade-unionism  has  had  its  ups  and  downs; 
but  looked  at  in  perspective,  it  gives  ample  evidence  of 
a  slow  but  steady  growth,  as  a  result  of  which  over 
15,000  workers  out  of  a  wage-earning  population  of  75,- 
000  are  at  present  organized.    Among  the  unions  which 
early  figured  in  this  growth  are  Typographical  Union  No. 
15  (i860),  the  Cigar  Makers'  Union  (1879),  the  pres- 
ent Cutters'  Union  (1891),  and  Local  Union  No.  82  of 
Boot  and   Shoe  Workers    International   Union    (1892) 
During  the  prosperous  decade  subsequent  to  1895,  imion 
organization  in  the  city  became  exceedingly  active.    It  is 
apt  to  be  the  case  that,  in  periods  when  wages  are  good 
and  places  in  which  to  work  are  plentiful,  workers  be- 
come emboldened  to  make  more  strenuous  efforts  to  bet- 
ter their  conditions  of  labor;  while  in  hard  times,  they 
dare  not  risk  the  loss  of  their  positions  and  income  by 
antagonizing  employers.     The  extent  of  the  "union  re- 
vival" at  this  time  may  be  indicated  by  noting  the  variety 
of  trades  in  which  new  unions  suddenly  sprang  up.    In 
1896,  the  steam  engineers  organized;  in  1898,  the  barbers; 
in  1899,  machinists,  bartenders,  waiters,  and  over  one 
thousand  street  laborers  who  had  called  a  strike ;  in  1900, 
laundry  workers;  in  looi,  paper  hangers,  metal  workers 
and  milkmen ;  in  1902,  metal  polishers  and  brass  work- 
ers entered  the  union  ranks,— in  fact,  the  number  of 
unions  increased  from  41  with  a  membership  of  4,217  in 

20 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

1897  to  103  with  a  membership  of  13,165  in  1903.  There 
are  at  present  about  y;  unions  in  the  city  with  a  total  of 
over  15,000  members.  The  following  from  the  report  of 
the  New  York  State  Department  of  Labor  ^  indicates 
the  general  progress  of  unionism  in  Rochester  since  1897. 


Year  No.  of  Unions    Men 


1897 
1898 
1899 
1900 
1901 
1902 
1903 
1904 

1905 
1906 

1907 

1908 

1909 

191 1 


41 
42 

51 

71 

85 

93 
103 

98 

89 

87 

84 

77 

75 

77 


4,144 

4,475 
7,308 

7,429 

8,999 
11,096 

12,598 
11,696 
13,530 
13,972 
15,128 

12,530 
12,550 


Women 

73 

48 

13 

III 

284 

371 

567 

559 
401 

322 

268 

324 
348 


Total 
4,217 

4,523 

7,321 

7,540 

9,283 

11,467 

13,165 

12,255 

13,931 
14,294 

15,396 
12,854 
12,898 
15,078  » 


The  majority  of  these  unions  are  affiliated  with  the 
American  Federation  of  Labor.  In  the  early  nineties  the 
Knights  of  Labor  had  several  important  unions  in  the 
city,  but  these  have  nearly  all  disappeared.  The  Eng- 
lish organization  of  Amalgamated  Carpenters  has  a  Roch- 
ester union  which  works  in  perfect  harmony  with  the 
local  organization  of  Brotherhood  Carpenters  of  the 
American  Federation.  The  local  unions  at  present  affi- 
liated with  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  are  as 
follows :  * 

1  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics,  1909.  p   38 
*Ibid.,  1911.  '  ^ 

^Rochester  Labor  Journal,  April  5,  1912. 

21 


INDUSTRY  AND    TRADE    UNIONISM 


Architectural  Iron  Workers 

Barbers 

Bartenders 

Bakers 

Bridge  and  Structural  Iron  Workers 

Brewery  Workers 

Brewery  Workers 

Boot  and  Shoe  Workers 

Boiler  Makers  and  Iron  Shop  Builders 

Block  Pavers  and  Curb  Stone  Setters 

Carpenters  and  Joiners 

Carpenters  and  Joiners 

Carpenters  and  Joiners 

Coopers 

Coopers 

Clothing  Cutters 

Cigar  Makers 

Electrical  Workers 

Electrical  Workers 

Garment  Workers 

Glass  Bottle  Blowers 

Horseshoers 

Hod  Carriers  and  Building  Laborers 

Hod  Carriers  and  Building  Laborers 

Hod  Carriers  and  Building  Laborers 

Hoisting  and  Portable  Engineers 

Ice  Handlers  and  Peddlers 

Iron  Molders 

Iron  Molders 

Journeymen  Tailors 

Lathers 

Lithographic  Press  Feeders 

Millwrights 

22 


No.  115 
No.  246 
No.  171 
No.  14 
No.  33 
No.  74 
No.  156 
No.  15 
No.  229 

No.  ^2 
No.  179 
No.  231 
No.  24 
No.  68 
No.  136 
No.  5 
No.  86 
No.  44 
No.  14 
No.  26 
No.  44 
German 
Italian 
Polish 
No.  483 
No.  398 
No.  II 
No.  12 
No.  259 
No.  14 
No.  7 
No.  909 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

Machinists 

Metal  Polishers 

Meat  Cutters 

Musicians 

Painters  and  Decorators 

Paper  Hangers 

Pattern   Makers'  Association 

Photo  Engravers 

Plumbers 

Sheet  Metal  Workers 

Stove  Mounters 

Stationary  Firemen 

Steam  Engineers 

Street  Railway  Employees,  Division 

Stained  Glass  Workers 

Stone  Cutters  Association 

Typographical  Union 

Typographia 

Theatrical  Stage  Employees 

Tobacco  Workers 

Truck  Drivers 

Truck  Painters  and  Stainers 

Upholsterers 

Waiters  Alliance 

Wood  Finishers  and  Polishers 

Wood  Carvers 


No.  93 
No.  113 
No.  95 
No.  66 
No.  150 
No.  286 

No.  22 
No.  13 
No.  46 
No.  39 
No.  37 
No.  71 
No.  282 
No.  47 

No.  15 
No.     5 

No.  23 

No.  304 

No.  35 
No.  763 
No.  235 


Numerical  Strength  of  Organized  and  Unorganised 
Labor  by  Groups. — The  numerical  strength  of  organized 
and  unorganized  labor  is  indicated  approximately  by 
the  following  table.  The  figures  for  the  total  number 
of  laborers  in  each  group  are  taken  from  the  publication 
of  the  Rochester  Chamber  of  Commerce,  191 2,  and  the 

23 


INDUSTRY  AND   TRADE    UNIONISM 

figures  for  the  number  of  organized  laborers  in  each  are 
derived  from  the  report  of  the  New  York  State  Bureau 
of  Labor  Statistics,  1909.* 

Total  No.  No.  Or-  P.C. 
Group.                                    in  Group  ganized  Organ- 
ized. 
Metals,  Machines  and  Convey- 
ances      14,986  1,705  11.37 

Clothing,  Millinery  and  Laun- 

<lry 12,121  155  12.78 

Leather  and  Rubber 8,912  1,250  14.02 

Wood  Manufactures 4,596  496  10.79 

Food,  Liquors  and  Tobacco. .  4,404  758  17.21 

Printing  and  Paper  Goods 3,294  238  7.22 

Stone,  Clay  and  Glass  Manu- 
factures        820  82  10.00 

Other  Trades 25,000  8,214  3175 


75,00       12,898         17.19 

Of  the  8,214  unionists  in  the  last  group,  4,144  were  in 
the  building  trades;  2,142,  in  the  transportation  trades; 
and  1,928  in  other  miscellaneous  trades  and  vocations. 

Central  Trades  and  Labor  Council,  and  Building  Trades 
Council. — These  Councils  are  the  clearing  houses  for  the 
various  trade-unions  of  the  city  and  are  affiliated  with 
the  American  Federation  of  Labor.  From  a  publication 
of  1897,  entitled  Rochester  Trades  Assembly  and  Build- 
ing Trades  Council,  Illustrated  History,  is  taken  the  fol- 
lowing extract  which  sets  forth  the  general  history  and 

*  Union  membership  since  1909  has  increased  from  12898  to 
15,078. 

U 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

structure  of  the  Councils  and  at  the  same  time  gives 
characteristic  expression  to  the  aims  and  sentiments  of 
organized  labor  in  Rochester:  "The  Rochester  Trades 
Assembly  and  Building  Trades  Council  were  originally 
patterned  after  Central  Bodies  in  other  cities,^  there  being 
two  distinct  sections,  the  Building  Trades  section  and 
Miscellaneous  section.  .  .  .  Matters  other  than  Trade 
Unionism  having  crept  into  the  Central  Body  caused  its 
disruption.  The  different  local  unions  from  then  until 
the  organization  of  the  Rochester  Trades  Assembly  and 
Building  Trades  Council  were  left  to  shift  for  them- 
selves without  any  local  head  or  Central  Body.  All  pro- 
tection was  secured  through  the  respective  national  un- 
ions. .  .  . 

"In  order  that  both  bodies  should  work  harmoniously 
together  it  was  decided  that  a  stated  number  of  delegates 
from  one  body  should  attend  the  meetings  of  the  other 
body.  Up  to  the  present  writing  this  plan  has  proved 
very  successful  and  it  can  readily  be  seen  that  a  con- 
nection closer  than  this  among  a  large  number  of  unions, 
whose  interests  at  times  are  divided  should  not  be  ex- 
pected under  the  present  circumstances.  It  is  to  be 
hoped  that  the  time  will  come  when  all  organized  labor 
shall  unite  under  one  flag  for  one  purpose  and  with  the 
determination  that  labor  of  all  kinds  must  and  shall  be 
organized." 

«  This  evidently  does  not  take  account  of  the  following  facts : 
"Soon  after  these  local  unions  came  together  in  city  central 
bodies  or  'trades'  assemblies',  the  new  name  for  the  'trades' 
unions'  of  the  thirties.  The  first  one  was  organized  at  Roches- 
ter, N.  Y.,  in  March,  1863,  and  thirty  of  them  were  organized 
before  the  end  of  1865."  Commons  and  Andrews,  Documentary 
History  of  American  Industrial  Society,  Vol.  IX.  p.  23. 

25 


INDUSTRY  AND   TRADE    UNIONISM 

Each  union  in  good  standing  may  send  three  delegates 
to  the  Trades  Assembly,  which  is  now  called  the  Roch- 
ester Central  Trades  and  Labor  Council  and  holds  fort- 
nightly sessions  at  the  Reynolds  Arcade.  Besides  these 
two  councils,  there  are  at  present  in  the  city  an  Allied 
Printing  Trades  Council  and  a  metal  Trades  Council; 
there  has  also  been  organized  a  Woman's  Union  Label 
League.  Funds  are  now  being  raised  for  the  erection 
of  a  Labor  Temple  where  the  various  organizations  in 
the  interest  of  labor  may  find  a  permanent  home. 


I 


CHAPTER  in. 

Strikes  and  Their  Significance 

The  economic  principle  has  become  quite  generally 
estabished  that  the  prevalence  of  strikes  bears  a  close 
relation  to  the  industrial  prosperity  of  the  times,  and  the 
total  number  of  strikes  and  percentage  of  successful 
strikes  vary  more  or  less  in  direct  proportion  to  this 
prosperity.    The  reasons  for  this  are  not  hard  to  under- 
stand.    The  laborer  chooses  a  time  of  prosperity  in 
which  to  block  the  wheels  of  industry;  because  (i)  at 
this  time,  the  Necessities  of  life  are  easily  obtained  and 
opportunities  to  work  are  most  numerous,  and  (2)  at 
Uiis  time,  the  employer  is  least  willing  to  shut  down  his 
factory  and,  therefore,  most  apt  to  accede  to  the  de- 
mands of  his  employees.    In  hard  times,  jobs  are  scarce 
and  the  necessaries  of  life,  difficult  to  acquire;  conse- 
quently, the  laborer  does  not  dare  to  risk  the  loss  of 
his  position  by  striking.     In  fact,  employers  frequehtly 
are  only  too  glad  of  an  excuse  to  close  their  factories 
at  such  times. 

This  principle  is  well  illustrated  by  the  history  of 
Rochester's  strikes  for  the  twenty-three  years,  1887-1900  • 
of  163  strikes,^  occurring  in  this  period,  just  about  50 

coui?fi   ""'"''"'"^'"'led  «11   the  strikes   of  which  the  writer 

Board  of  J7'  •     ^'!,  *'  ^''""^'^  "'  **  ^ew  York  State 
iJoard  of  Mediation  and  Arbitration. 

27 


INDUSTRY   AND    TRADE    UNIONISM 

per  cent  succeeded  wholly  or  in  part ;  and  50  per  ce|nt 
failed  to  gain  the  desired  end  of  the  strikers.  Accord- 
ingly, taking  50  per  cent  as  the  normal  percentage  of 
success  for  the  city's  strikes,  let  us  see  how  the  periods 
in  which  they  have  been  most  numerous  and  successful 
have  been  the  periods  of  greatest  prosperity. 

In  1890  occurred  an  unusual  number  of  strikes;  53 
per  cent  of  them  were  successful  and  15  per  cent  partially 
successful.     In  other  words,  the  percentage  of  strikes 
attaining  to  at  least  some  degree  of  success  was  68  per 
cent  or  18  per  cent  above  the  average.    Business  at  this 
time  was  fairly  prosperous.    But  in  the  following  years, 
1892- 1894,  which,  it  will  be  remembered,  were  fraught 
with  great  industrial  disaster,  the  average  number  of 
strikes  per  year  appreciably  decreased.    Only  36  1-3  per 
cent  of  the  strikes  of  this  period  could  boast  of  any 
success  at  all,  a  drop  of  13  2-3  per  cent  from  the  normal 
percentage  of  success.     As  the  industrial  world  became 
more  settled,  we  find  that  from  1895  on,  the  average 
number  of  strikes  per  year  begins  to  increase.    This  in- 
crease reaches  its  high-water  mark  in  the  five  prosperous 
years,  1899-1903.    Of  the  strikes  during  these  five  years, 
59  per  cent    (9  per  cent  above  the  normal)    were  to 
the  advantage  of  the  strikers.     In  the  years  following 
(1905-1908)   we  once  more  come  upon  a  business  de- 
pression which  culminated  in  the  panic  of  1907.    During 
this  period,  only  one-half  as  many  strikes  took  place 
as  in  the  preceding  period  (1899-1903),  and  only  35  1-2 
per  cent  of  these  disputes  were  successful;  a  decrease, 
this  time,  of  14  1-2  per  cent  from  the  average  standard 
of  success.     In  a  following  table  these  conditions  are 

28 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

compared  with  the  average  conditions  of  the  country 
at  large,2  for  the  same  periods. 

Such  in  rough  outline  has  been  the  proportional  in- 
crease and  decrease  in  the  number  of  Rochester's  strikes, 
and  in  the  percentage  of  their  success.  Factors  other 
than  the  general  prosperity  of  the  times  may  have  had 
their  effect,  but  the  consistency  of  the  relations  as  in- 
dicated cannot  be  overlooked  as  significant  of  the  fact 
that  prosperous  times  afford  a  strike  stimulus.  The 
laboring  man  has  learned  to  take  advantage  of  the  propi- 
tious moment  for  bettering  his  condition  and  the  Roches- 
ter laborer  has  been  no  exception  to  the  general  rule. 

The  Causes  of  the  Strikes 

Increase  of  Wages.— In  the  causes  of  strikes 
Rochester  seems  to  reflect  the  average  conditions  of  the 
country  to  a  very  noticeable  degree;  of  the  five  leading 
causes,  the  order  of  importance  for  the  nation^  is  the  same 
as  for  the  city,  e.  g. :  the  demand  for  higher  wages  has 
been  provocative  of  more  strikes  than  any  other  single 
cause  both  locally  and  nationally.  The  strikes  for  this 
cause  have  decreased  in  number  in  the  city  since  1904, 

« All  national  statistics  referred  to  in  this  chapter  are  for  the 
years,  1881-1905.  The  national  percentages  are  based  on  the 
number  of  establishments  in  which  the  strikes  succeeded  par- 
tially succeeded,  and  failed.  The  writer's  percentages  are  based 
on  the  strikes  without  reference  to  the  establishments  involved. 
A^in,  It  may  be  noted  that  the  years  for  which  the  national 
and  local  statistics  are  compiled  are  not  wholly  identical  See 
the  Twenty-fiirst  Annual  Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Labor 
1906.  ' 

»  National  statistics  for  causes  of  strikes  (based  on  establish- 
ments involved)  refer  to  strikes  due  solely  to  each  cause  men- 
tioned. 

29 


II 


INDUSTRY   AND    TRADE    UNIONISM 

a  tendency  explained  partially  at  least  by  two  facts :  ( I ) 
The  standard  of  wages  has  been  raised  sufficiently  to 
lessen  the  urgent  demand  of  the  laborers,  a  supposition 
borne  out  by  the  fact  that  Rochester  employees  receive 
fairly  high  wages  as  a  general  rule.  (2)  The  employers 
have  become  more  ready  to  concede  to  reasonable  de- 
mands for  increased  pay.  Thus,  in  the  past  number  of 
years,  there  have  been  wage  increases  among  laborers, 
printers,  street-railway  men,  and  others,  with  almost  no 
attendant  trouble. 

Concerning  Recognition  of  the  Union  and  Union  Rules. 
— The  second  leading  cause  of  strikes  concerns  the  recog- 
nition of  the  union  and  union  rules,  among  which  we 
may  note  the  principle  of  the  closed  shop.  Even  the 
printers'  establishments,  frequently  closed  because  of  the 
efficient  organization  of  the  trade,  are,  to  a  great  extent, 
open ;  and  the  building  trades,  likewise  frequently  having 
the  closed  shop,  have  not  gained  a  completely  closed 
shop  in  the  city. 

For  Reduction  of  Hours. — With  reference  to  the  third 
cause,  concerning  reduction  of  hours,  it  is  significant  to 
note  that  the  eight-  or  nine-hour  day  is  now  quite  gen- 
erally enjoyed  by  workmen.  Of  forty- four  imions  re- 
garding which  special  inquiry  was  made  by  the  writer, 
twenty- four  had  the  eight-hour  day;  seven,  the  nine- 
hour  day;  five,  a  week  of  from  forty-eight  to  fifty- four 
hours,  while  only  eight  unions  had  longer  hours. 

Against  Reduction  of  Wages. — In  the  majority  of  cases 
failure  to  withstand  reduction  of  wages  in  the  city  has 
been  on  the  part  of  factory  girls,  generally  unorganized. 

The  Sympathetic  Strike. — The  issue  most  uniformly 
disastrous  to  the  laboring  man  is  that  of  the  sympathetic 
strike.    In  Rochester  these  strikes  have  generally  failed. 

30 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

Four-fifths  of  them  usually  fail  according  to  national 
statistics.  Labor,  as  a  whole,  in  city  or  nation,  is  not  yet 
enough  of  a  unit  to  effectively  wield  the  sympathetic 
strike. 

Employers'  Agreements.— An  issue  which  Rochester 
labor  has  been  most  uniformly  successful  in  defending 
has  been  the  refusal  by  employees  to  sign  agreements  sub- 
mitted by  employers.  In  five-sixths  of  these  cases  the 
union  men  have  forced  the  employer  to  withdraw  his 
demand.  These  strikes  have  comprised  four  per  cent  of 
the  total  number. 

Piecework. — Next  to  sympathetic  strikes,  piecework 
disputes  have  been  most  unfortunate  in  their  outcome 
for  local  labor.  While  comprising  but  a  little  over  two 
per  cent  of  the  city's  strikes,  three-fourths  of  them  have 
failed. 

Other  Causes. — The  remaining  18  per  cent  of  Roches- 
ter's strikes  have  been  for  various  causes : 

(i)  In  behalf  of  some  individual. 

(2)  Concerning  jurisdictional  disagreements. 

(3)  Against  some  individuals. 

(4)  Concerning  change  in  method  or  time  of  payment. 

(5)  Because  of  employers'  failure  to  recognize  a  boy- 
cott. 

(6)  Against  use  of  certain  machinery. 

(7)  For  payment  of  an  arrear  in  wages. 

(8)  Because  of  disagreement  involving  an  apprentice. 

(9)  Over  disagreement  as  to  proper  measurement  of 
type. 

(10)  Because  of  poor  power  curtailing  piecework 
earnings. 

31 


II 


INDUSTRY  AND    TRADE    UNIONISM 

(ii)  Against  increase  of  hours  of  labor. 

(12)  For  the  aboHtion  of  night  work. 

(13)  Because  of  rumor. 

Strikes  According  to  Trades 

Building    Trades.— Tht    building    trades    have    had 
more  strikes  than  any  other  department  of  labor  in  both 
Rochester  and  the  United  States.    The  following  trades 
have  called  18  per  cent  of  the  strikes  of  the  city:  Carpen- 
ters, painters,  plumbers,  plasterers,  stone  cutters,  stone 
masons,  tile  workers,  bridge  and  structural  iron  workers, 
and  sheet  metal  workers.    Labor  has  succeeded  in  79  per 
cent  of  these  strikes  and  gained  a  partial  victory  in  7  per 
cent,  a  very  unusual  percentage  of  success  for  Rochester 
trades.     Nationally,  these  trades  have  attained  to  com- 
plete success  in  53  per  cent  of  their  strikes  and  partial 
success  in  17  per  cent.     They  have  usually  met  with 
greater  success  than  other  trades  in  their  strikes  for  the 
following  reasons:  (i)  The  work  of  the  building  laborer 
permits  of  effective  standardization  and  hence  effective 
organization.      (2)    Working  under  a  contract  with  a 
time  limit  makes  employers  more  ready  to  grant  work- 
men's demands.     (3)  The  products  of  the  building  con- 
tractor, vi2.,  buildings,  are  not  moveable  conmiodities, 
and  are  not  subject  to  cutthroat  competition  of  other 
cities ;  hence,  the  employers  of  a  given  locality  can  grant 
their   employees'   demands   and   shift   the  incidence   of 
added  cost  upon  the  customer. 

Shoe  JVorkers.—Next  in  number  have  been  the  dis- 
putes of  the  shoeworkers  whose  strikes  aggregate  14.7  per 
cent  of  all  those  in  the  city.  This  trade  has  completely 
failed  in  nearly  one-half  of  its  strikes.  The  industry  is  a 
difficult  one  in  which  to  standardize  the  work. 

32 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

Printers— The  printers  and  linotypists  have  occasioned 
5  1-2  per  cent  of  the  strikes  of  the  city,  winning  com- 
plete or  partial  success  in  45  per  cent  of  them.  Import- 
ant issues  of  the  printers  have  been  the  closed  shop  and 
the  shorter  workday,  the  former  of  which  has  met  with 
only  partial  success.  The  eight-hour  day,  however,  is 
now  quite  generally  enjoyed  by  the  trade. 

None  of  the  strikes  of  the  following  trades  have  ex- 
ceeded five  per  cent  of  the  total  number  of  strikes  in 
the  city  for  the  years,  1887- 1909. 

Machinists.— Although  the  machinists'  strikes,  of 
which  about  one-half  have  failed,  involve  the  closed 
shop,  wage  increase,  and  a  shorter  workday  as  important 
causes,  it  is  the  piecework  difficulty  which  has  been 
peculiar  to  the  trade  and  has  generally  been  the  greatest 
source  of  strife  in  Rochester  as  elsewhere.  Ever  since 
the  organization  of  this  class  of  workers  in  England, 
"piecework  rates"  have  been  their  "bugbeatv"  Compar- 
atively few  pieces  of  material  upon  which  they  work 
are  exactly  the  same ;  hence,  the  constant  higgling  of  the 
employer  and  employee  over  the  pay  which  they  think 
each  separate  piece  of  work  should  command,  with 
endless  trouble  and  frequently  a  strike  as  the  conse- 
quence. 

Iron  Molders.—These  workmen  have  been  successful 
in  the  majority  of  their  strikes. 

Clothing  Workers.— Oi  the  strikes  of  the  clothing 
workers  71  per  cent  have  failed.  This  craft  has  been  one 
of  the  most  conspicuously  least  successful  of  any  of  the 
^bor  organizations  of  the  city.  Its  percentage  of  com- 
plete success  nationally  (70.94  per  cent)  is  as  great  as  its 
percentage  of  failure  in  Rochester.     A  more  detailed 

33 


i 


INDUSTRY  AND    TRADE    UNIONISM 

study  of  the  garment  workers  is  given  in  succeeding 
chapters. 

Factory  Girls.— The  strikes  of  girls  in  mitten,  hosiery, 
box,  cigarette,  and  button  factories  have  failed  almost 
invariably;  such  is  the  evidence  of  the  general  inability 
of  the  girls  to  win  their  strikes.  Against  reduction  of 
wages  they  seem  to  be  helpless.  This  condition  is  ex- 
plained largely  by  the  following  facts:  (i)  There  is  an 
over  abundant  supply  of  this  class  of  labor.  (2)  Girl 
workers  receive  partial  support  at  home.  (3)  Many 
leave  the  shop  after  the  marriageable  age.  (4)  The  girls 
have  no  efficient  labor  organization  and  seem  to  take  little 
interest  in  such. 

The  above  are  the  trades  in  which  the  greatest  num- 
ber of  strikes  have  occurred.  We  see  that  the  building 
trades  have  been  most  successful  while  the  clothing  work- 
ers have  been  among  the  most  unsuccessful. 

••••••••a 

Strikes  of  Unorganised  Labor. — Of  the  163  strikes  to 
which  reference  has  been  made,  85  per  cent  were  those 
of  organized  labor  and  15  per  cent  those  of  unorganized 
labor.  Of  the  strikes  of  the  former,  40  per  cent  suc- 
ceeded wholly,  18  per  cent  partly,  and  42  per  cent  failed; 
of  those  of  the  latter,  nearly  all  failed.  In  other  words, 
whereas  trade-unionists  succeeded  wholly  or  in  part  in  58 
per  cent  of  their  strikes,  non-unionists  lost  nearly  all  of 
theirs.  These  figures  become  more  significant  in  viev/  of 
the  fact  that  of  Rochester's  230,000  inhabitants,  75,000 
are  working  people  of  whom  only  about  15,000  *  belong  to 
unions. 

In  the  country  in  general  65  per  cent  of  the  establish- 

*  Report  of  N.  Y.  State  Bureau  of  Labor,  1911. 

34 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

ments,  in  which  labor  organization  has  ordered  the 
strikes,  have  forced  entire  or  partial  compliance  with 
their  demands;  while  only  44  per  cent  of  the  establish- 
ments in  which  the  strikes  were  not  ordered  by  labor  or- 
ganization, have  gained  similar  success.  Organized  labor 
has  ordered  the  strikes  in  90.34  per  cent  of  the  total  num- 
ber of  establishments  in  which  strikes  have  occurred. 

Status  of  Organised  Labor  in  Rochester. — We  may 
conclude  in  view  of  the  comparative  success  and  failure 
of  the  strikes  of  organized  and  unorganized  labor  in  the 
city  that  trade-unionism  in  Rochester  has  demonstrated 
itself  to  be  a  powerful  factor  in  bettering  the  condi- 
tions of  the  laboring  man.  Trade-unionism  has  borne  the 
brunt  of  the  struggle  in  the  vast  majority  of  cases,  and 
unorganized  labor  has,  to  a  large  extent,  reaped  the  bene- 
fits of  the  reduced  hours  of  labor  and  higher  wage 
standards  established.  It  is  affirmed  in  some  cases  that 
a  premium  has  been  placed  upon  nonunion  labor  in  op- 
position to  unionism's  advancement;  but,  if  this  is  so, 
the  increased  remuneration,  although  enjoyed  by  the 
nonunion  man,  is  none  the  less  due  to  the  efforts  of  or- 
ganized labor. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  history  of  strikes  in  the  city 
would  seem  to  indicate  that  unionism  has  failed  to  achieve 
the  success  in  Rochester  that  it  has  in  many  other  places 
throughout  the  country.  Whereas  only  50  per  cent  of  the 
disputes  in  this  city  have  met  with  any  degree  of  suc- 
cess, national  statistics  show  that,  throughout  New  York 
State,  75  per  cent,  and,  throughout  the  nation,  63  per  cent 
or  all  strikes  have  attained  the  partial  or  complete  realiza- 
tion of  their  purpose.** 

«  Twenty-first  Annual  Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Labor 
1906,  pp.  80,  83. 

35 


ri 


INDUSTRY  AND   TRADE   UNIONISM 

The  following  conditions  are  largely  responsible  for 
whatever  lack  of  progress  trade-unionism  has  shown  in 
the  city :  ( i )  The  employers  are  noted  for  their  general 
fairness;  hence,  there  is  less  incentive  for  employees  to 
organize.  (2)  The  laboring  classes  of  Rochester  are 
more  contented  than  is  the  case  in  many  places.  High- 
grade  industry  only,  has  found  Rochester  atmosphere 
congenial,  and  in  consequence  standards  and  conditions 
oi  life  have  always  been  comparatively  high.  Moreover, 
the  conditions  of  employment  are  generally  good.  Of 
forty-four  unions  regarding  which  special  inquiry  was 
made  as  to  wage  scales,  nearly  all  had  a  minimum  scale 
and  the  average  minimum  was  $2.85  per  day.  (3)  The 
large  number  of  nonunion  workers  necessarily  saps  the 
strength  of  the  unionism  that  does  exist.  (4)  The  great 
number  of  opportunities  in  Rochester  makes  it  possible 
for  a  man  to  obtain  work  whether  a  union  man  or  not. 

(5)  Many  girls  in  button,  kodak  and  other  factories 
either  refuse  or  are  unable  to  organize ;  at  least,  do  not. 

(6)  Rochester  labor  does  not  have  any  one  great  leader 
with  time,  money  and  energy  for  the  cause.  The  leader- 
ship is  more  or  less  divided.  (7)  There  are  many  indus- 
tries in  which  general  technical  knowledge  is  not  re- 
quired; hence,  inexperienced  hands  can  quickly  become 
of  service.  (8)  There  is  a  large  foreign  element  which 
it  is  hard  to  organize. 


PART  II 


36 


CHAPTER  I. 


The  Leading  Industry 

The  leading  industry  of  Rochester  is  the  manufacture 
of  clothing.    By  the  time  of  the  Civil  War,  men's  ready- 
made  clothmg  was  quite  extensively  produced  in  New 
York,  Philadelphia,  Cincinnati,  Boston,  Baltimore,  and 
Rochester.'    Th«  present  industry  in  the  city  has  develop- 
ed out  of  the  wholesale  clothiers'  trade  as  it  was  carried 
on  m  the  sixties.     There  seems  to  be  no  peqhliar  ad- 
vantage which  attracted  the  clothing  manufacturers  to 
Rochester  m  preference  to  any  other  place.     In  fact 
one  of  the  leading  employers  of  the  city,  when  questioned 
on  this  point,  said  that  he  knew  of  but  one  or  two  clothing 
manufacturers  who  were  ever  attracted  to  Rochester  be- 
cause of  any  special  advantages  which  the  city  offered 
The  enterprise  and  thrift  of  the  clothing  dealers  here 
built  up  the  business,  which,  according  to  federal  investi- 
gation for  i905,»  ranks  fifth»  in  the  nation  in  point  of  the 
value  of  the  product  produced  and  among  the  very  first 
m  point  of  quality.    There  have  been  certain  local  con- 

.liu'^^'^f^  Commissioner  of  Labor  on  men's  ready-made 
clothmg  industry  .„  the  United  States,  August  8,  1910.  Federal 
Senate  Document  No  645  (6Ist  Congress.  2nd  Session).  See 
Federal  Report  on  the  condition  of  Woman  and  Child  IVaae- 
Earners  m  the  United  States,  Vol  2 
'Ibid. 

lr\'^*  ."'"'"'y  of  Rochester  and  Monroe  County  by  Peck 
pubhshed  in   ,908    the  statement  is  made  that  Rochester  not 

sTateL  r-  '^'    """"   °f    '='°*'"«"     Authority    for    the 

Statement  is  not  given. 

39 


INDUSTRY   AND    TRADE    UNIONISM 

ditions,  however,  which  have  made  possible  the  growth 
of  an  industry  of  this  character.  The  industry  itself  has 
been  possible;  because,  in  the  first  place,  there  has  been 
a  labor  supply  suitable  to,  and  sufficient  to  maintain,  the 
trade.  A  large  proportion  of  Rochester's  population  is 
composed  of  working  people  as  is  shown  by  the  fact  that 
it  has  the  third  largest  percentage  of  shop  and  factory 
workers  of  any  city  in  the  State.  In  Schenectady  28 
per  cent  of  the  people,  in  Troy  25  1-2  per  cent,  and  in 
Rochester  23  per  cent  are  occupied  in  shops  and  factor- 
ies.* In  the  second  place,  there  is  little  competition  for 
female  labor  which  is  an  asset  peculiarly  important  for 
the  clothing  producer :  there  is  in  Rochester  a  higher  per- 
centage of  female  clothing  workers  than  will  be  found  in 
almost  any  other  city  of  the  country.'  The  industry  has 
been  of  high-grade  character  because  the  labor  supply  has 
been  of  such  character,  e.  g. :  there  is  in  the  city  a  class  of 
exceptionally  fine  German  tailors  who  could  not  be  em- 
ployed with  profit  on  cheap  clothes.  This  characteristic 
of  the  labor  force  is  largely  due  to  the  fact  that  the  city 
escapes  the  lower  classes  of  immigrants  found  in  an 
important  port-city.  Consequently  local  conditions  have 
never  been  suited  to  the  sweat-shop  regime  which  has 
been  considered  necessary  for  the  production  of  cheap 
clothes  on  a  big  scale.  The  labor  supply  is  restricted  to 
a  high-class  working  population  and  the  production  of 
high-grade  articles  only  is  the  result. 

It  may  be  well  to  note  that  there  are  what  might  be 
considered  by  a  clothing  manufacturer,  distinct  disad- 
vantages to  the  industry  in  the  city;  for,  by  some,  the 

*  Article,  as  yet  unpublished,  by  Dr.  Paul  Moore  Strayer. 
5  See  Federal  Report  on  the  condition  of  Woman  and  Child 
Wage-Earners  in  the  United  States.     Vol.  2. 

40 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

very  scarcity  of  cheap  immigrant  labor  would  be  con- 
sidered a  disadvantage  and  the  shipping  facilities  are 
not  equal  to  those  of  some  of  its  rivals  in  this  industry. 

Development  of  Clothing  Industry. — The  evolution  of 
the  clothing  industry  forms  an  important  and  interesting 
feature  of  its  history.  A  demand  for  cheap  clothes  ready 
for  immediate  use  was  originally  responsible  for  the  in- 
troduction of  "ready-made"  clothing  as  distinguished 
from  "custom-made."  Prior  to  the  Civil  War  most  of 
the  "ready  mades"  were  worked  up  by  hand  although  the 
fcewing  machine  came  gradually  into  use  during  the  fifties. 
Until  about  1880,  the  manufacture  of  clothing  was  car- 
ried on  largely  under  the  "family  system;"  that  is,  the 
clothing  materials  to  be  made  up  were  let  out  by  whole- 
sale merchants,  and  sometimes  sublet,  to  various  families 
in  whose  homes  the  clothes  were  made.  In  the  latter  part 
uf  the  period,  the  cutting  and  buttonhole  machines  nm 
by  foot  power  were  introduced.  Between  1880  and  1895, 
the  "family  system"  was  displaced  by  the  "shop  system," 
and  has  since  been  generally  adopted  throughout  the 
country.  Under  this  system  steam-  and  electric-power 
machinery  has  come  into  general  use  and  our  large 
clothing  factories  have  been  built. 

In  Rochester  the  eighties  witnessed  a  partial  introduc- 
tion of  the  "factory  system;"  indeed,  the  city  has  the 
honor  of  being  the  recognized  pioneer  in  the  introduc- 
tion of  this  system.®  Of  course  it  must  not  be  thought 
that  all  clothing  is  now  made  in  factories;  for  home 
work,  out-side-shop  work,  and  sweat-shop  conditions  still 
prevail  to  a  greater  or  less  degree  in  the  various  clothing 
centers  of  the  country  as  will  be  shown  later.     Since 

«  Federal  Report  on  the  condition  of  Women  and  Child  Wage- 
Earners  in  the  United  States.    Vol.  2. 

41 


INDUSTRY  AND    TRADE    UNIONISM 

1890  there  has  been  a  steady  increase  in  the  magnitude 
of  this  industry  in  the  city.  In  1890  there  were  192  estab- 
lishments with  an  annual  output  of  $9,133,562  worth  of 
goods ;  in  1900,  307  establishments  with  an  output  worth 
$11,138,220;  and  in  1905,  219  establishments  with  a  prod- 
uct valued  at  $14,948,913.  Although  there  has  been 
a  decrease  in  the  number  of  the  establishments  since 
19CX),  nevertheless,  there  has  been  a  steady  increase  in 
the  amount  of  goods  produced,  or  in  other  words,  a  steady 
growth  in  the  industry.^ 

Factory  Buildings.— The  more  recent  clothing  factories 
have  been  built  according  to  the  most  up-to-date,  twent- 
ieth-century models.  It  has  been  said  that  between  New 
York  and  Chicago  there  can  be  found  no  clothing  factory 
superior,  if  indeed  equal,  in  architectural  beauty  and 
scientific  equipment,  to  the  lately  constructed  plant  of 
Adler  Brothers.  As  one  enters  the  building  from  the 
carefully  kept  lawn  and  ascends  the  marble  stairway, 
he  can  easily  imagine  himself  entering  an  art  gallery 
rather  than  a  clothing  establishment.  The  construction 
of  modem  buildings  with  landscape  gardening  on  the 
outside  and  scientific  equipment  and  conveniences  on 
the  inside  is  becoming  the  prevailing  policy  of  Rochester 
employers.  Among  the  numerous  conveniences  to  be 
found  in  the  well-lighted  and  spacious  establishment  of 
Adler  Brothers  may  be  mentioned  private  dressing  rooms 
and  lockers,  cozy  dining  rooms,  rooms  for  smoking  and 
the  playing  of  games,  and  a  fully  equipped  emergency 
hospital  ready  for  immediate  use  in  case  of  accident. 

Welfare  Work.— Th\s  firm  also  mamtains  a  Mutual 
Benefit  Association  to  which  the  employees  may  belong 

''Ibid.     (A  large  proportion  of  the  statistics  quoted  in  this 
chapter  are  drawn  from  this  source.) 

42 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

if  they  desire.  The  object  of  this  Association  is  "to  as- 
sist sick  and  disabled  members,  to  aid  in  the  support  of 
members  in  certain  contingencies  of  family  life  and  to 
pay  death  benefits."  The  dues  range  from  twenty  cents 
to  forty  cents  per  month  according  to  the  employee's 
rank  which  is  determined  by  the  amount  of  his  weekly 
wage.  The  sick  or  disabled  members  receive  from  $2.00 
to  $8.00  per  week  according  to  their  rank  and  the  length 
of  their  illness.  The  death  benefits  range  from  $50.00  to 
$100.00. 

Hours  of  Labor.— With  reference  to  the  number  of 
hours  per  week  the  employees  are  required  to  work  in  the 
shops,  the  policy  of  the  employers  may  be  ascertained 
from  the  report  of  a  special  commission  sent  out  by  the 
Bureau  of  Commerce  and  Labor  of  the  United  States :« 
"The  average  establishments'  hours  (for  clothing  factor- 
ies) are  shortest  in  Chicago  and  Rochester  for  all 
classes ;  men,  women,  and  children.  The  hours  in  both 
these  cities  are  approximately  54  1-2  per  week  for  men 
and  women,  for  children,  45.8  and  44.5  hours  respect- 
ively." Moreover,  a  full  noon  hour  is  the  rule  among 
the  factories. 

Wages.— Ag^m,  Rochester  has  little  cause  to  blush  un- 
less it  be  for  pride  when  the  payrolls  of  the  different 
cities  are  compared  with  a  representative  week  in  repre- 
sentative establishemnts.  In  Chicago,  29.5  per  cent  of 
the  employees  earn  less  than  $5.00  per  week;  in  New 
York,  37  per  cent ;  in  Philadelphia,  42.2  per  cent ;  in  Balti- 
more, 64.2  per  cent,  while  in  Rochester  only  17.3  per 
cent  earn  less  than  $5.00  per  week. 

The  average  wage  per  week  for  home  workers  has 

« Ibid. 

43 


INDUSTRY  AND    TRADE    UNIONISM 

been  found  to  be  as  follows :  Baltimore,  $2.24 ;  Philadel- 
phia, $2.88;  New  York,  $3.61 ;  Rochester,  $4.14;  Chicago, 
$4-35. 

Of  women  sixteen  years  of  age  and  over,  the  largest 
number  earn  $7.00  or  $8.00  per  week.  In  Chicago  and 
Philadelphia,  the  largest  group  earn  $5.cx)  to  $6.00  per 
week,  and  in  Baltimore,  $4.00  to  $5.00.  In  Rochester  the 
ages  at  which  the  greatest  percentage  of  females  earn 
$8.00  or  more  range  from  thirty  to  thirty-four  years. 
About  one-third  of  the  total  female  force  earns  $8.00  or 
over  per  week,  while  about  four-fifths  of  the  men  report 
these  earnings.  The  wage  conditions  prevalent  among 
the  female  clothing  workers  in  the  city  rank  among 
the  very  best  in  the  country. 

The  percentages  of  males  earning  $i2.cx)  per  week  or 
over  in  the  various  cities  are:  Baltimore,  18.4  per  cent; 
Philadelphia,  27.5  per  cent;  Chicago,  34.6  per  cent;  New 
York,  34.7  per  cent;  Rochester,  43.1  per  cent. 

In  comparing  the  average  hourly  earnings  of  the  dif- 
ferent races  in  the  city,  it  is  found  that,  among  the  men, 
Lithunians  earn  13  per  cent  above  the  average;  Germans, 
9.6  per  cent  above ;  Hebrews,  4.2  per  cent  above ;  and  the 
Poles  .5  per  cent  above ;  the  Americans  earn  8.4  per  cent 
below  the  average,  and  the  Italians,  13.5  per  cent  below. 
Among  the  females  the  (jermans  lead  with  hourly  earn- 
ings 8.4  per  cent  above  the  average;  Americans,  i  per 
cent  above ;  Poles,  4.4  per  cent  below ;  Hebrews,  8.6  per 
cent  below ;  Italians,  18.2  per  cent  below ;  and  Lithuanians 
16.6  per  cent  below. 

Home  Work. — Although  the  conditions  generally  con- 
noted by  the  term  "sweat  shop,"  exist  but  rarely  in 
Rochester,  nevertheless,  a  certain  amount  of  work  is  let 
out  by  factories  to  outside  shops  and  home  workers. 

44 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

About  60  per  cent  of  the  tailored  product®  is  done  in  the 
factories,  32  per  cent  in  the  outside  shops,  and  8  per  cent 
in  the  homes.     About  6.7  per  cent  of  the  total  force 
of  female  employees  are  home  workers  here,  as  against 
17. 1  per  cent  in  New  York  City.     Home  work  in  this 
city  is  done  under  exceedingly  favorable  conditions  when 
compared  with  other  cities :  wages  are  above  the  average, 
the  homes,  generally  comfortable ;  and  the  houses  usually 
stand  apart  with  a  small  lawn  surrounding  each.     The 
poorest  houses  are  among  the  Italians  who,  however, 
constitute  only  a  minority  of  this  class  of  workers;  but 
even  the  Italian  quarters  present  a  favorable  appearance 
in  comparison  with  other  cities.    Home  work,  neverthe- 
less, is  not  desirable  and  various  Rochester  manufacturers 
are  reported  as  making  the  following  assertions :  "Home 
finishings  cannot  be  counted  on  as  sanitary."    "The  aboli- 
tion of  home  finishing  would  be  a  good  thing  making  for 
more  sanitary  production."     "Home  finishers  are  prob- 
ably employed  chiefly  by  outside  shops.     Most  of  the 
manufacturers  do  not  believe  home  finishing  to  be  a  good 
thing  for  the  commtmity,  but  the  outside  shops  have  to 
employ  them  on  account  of  the  scarcity  of  labor.     It  is 
no  cheaper  as  a  mode  of  production." 

Living  Conditions. — In  considering  the  living  condi- 
tions of  the  whole  class  of  garment  workers  in  the  city, 
it  is  found  that  extreme  overcrowding  in  the  homes  is 
not  prevalent;  that  rents  compare  favorably  with  other 
places ;  and  that,  in  consequence  of  the  large  number  of 
workers  who  live  in  homes  of  their  own,  the  boarder  and 
lodger  do  not  present  the  problem  here  that  they  do  in 
many  other  cities.    In  order  to  better  understand  the  em- 


fi  i 


•Article  by  Dr.  Strayer. 


45 


(J 


INDUSTRY   AND    TRADE    UNIONISM 

ployed  classes  and  their  condition,  the  following  is  a  brief 
discussion  of  them  according  to  sex,  age,  and  race. 

Female  Employees. — About  61.3  per  cent  of  the  cloth- 
ing employees  are  women,  comprising  about  one-third 
of  the  number  employed  by  manufacturing  plants  of  the 
city.  The  ages  of  the  largest  group  range  from  sixteen 
to  twenty  years ;  the  women  comprising  the  second  larg- 
est group  are  thirty  years  old  or  more.  The  percentage 
of  older  women  working  in  Rochester  clothing  factories 
exceeds  that  of  other  cities,  due  to  the  fact  that  there 
is  a  highly  skilled  class  of  Germans,  English  and  Irish 
whom  the  employers  are  loath  to  lose.  About  58  per 
cent  of  the  workers,  from  sixteen  to  twenty- four  years 
of  age,  are  away  from  their  homes  ten  to  eleven  hours 
per  day.  Work  is  to  be  had  90.1  per  cent  of  the  full 
time,  a  most  favorable  circumstance  to  which,  among 
cities  elsewhere.  New  York  City  approaches  the  nearest 
with  the  female  force  working  87.3  per  cent  of  the  full 
time. 

An  investigation  on  the  part  of  the  federal  commis- 
sion as  to  the  literacy  of  these  women  gave  the  following 
results:  Out  of  198  representative  women  and  children 
in  the  clothing  industry,  167  had  attended  school,  leaving 
it  after  an  average  attendance  of  68.7  months  and  at  the 
average  age  of  13  1-2  years.  Of  this  number,  154  could 
read  or  write  English,  29  others  could  read  or  write  some 
other  language,  while  15  could  not  read  or  write  at  all. 
Compare  this  with  an  investigation  in  New  York  City. 
Of  488  females  there  examined  with  regard  to  literacy, 
120  had  attended  school  on  an  average  of  38.2  weeks, 
leaving  it  at  the  age  of  12  1-2  years;  367  never  attended 
school ;  only  7  of  the  whole  number  could  read  or  write 

46 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

English;  108  others  could  read  or  write  some  foreign 
language,  while  373  could  not  read  or  write. 

In  the  local  industry,  15.8  per  cent  of  the  women  are 
married;  78.3  per  cent,  immarried;  and  5.9  per  cent  are 
widowed  or  divorced. 

Male  Employees.— The  clothing  trade  employs  11  per 
cent  of  the  men  in  the  manufacturing  industries  of  the 
city.  Of  the  entire  force  of  clothiers*  employees,  36.8 
per  cent  are  men.  They  work  about  92.5  per  cent  of  the 
full  time ;  45.8  per  cent  of  them  are  married. 

Child  Labor.— The  percentage  of  child  labor  in  this 
industry  is  so  small  as  to  be  almost  negligible.  But  1.9 
per  cent  of  the  clothing  employees  can  be  classed  as 
child  laborers,  for  whom  the  manufacture  of  men's  cloth- 
ing affords  the  second  largest  field  in  the  city :  the  boot 
and  shoe  shops  employ  one-third  of  the  child  workers 
and  the  clothing  factories,  one-fifth.  The  low  percentage 
of  this  kind  of  labor  is  due  to  the  general  character  of 
the  city's  population.  The  parents  among  the  employed 
classes  are  able  to,  and  do,  keep  their  children  in  the 
schools;  consequently,  the  children  employed  in  all  the 
manufactories  put  together  comprise  little  over  one  per 
cent  of  the  employees.  Illegal  employment  is  of  com- 
paratively rare  occurrence  in  the  city. 

Racial  Characteristics. — The  labor  force  is  divided 
among  various  nationalities  in  the  following  proportion : 

American 8.7  per  cent 

^™an    35.7per cent 

Hebrew  20.5  per  cent 

^^^^^^^  16.0  per  cent 

P^^^s  3.1  per  cent 

^^^rs  16.0  per  cent 

47 


i  i] 


INDUSTRY  AND    TRADE    UNIONISM 

The  Germans  not  only  constitute  the  largest  element 
in  the  working  class,  but  are  also  the  oldest  of  these 
races  in  the  city,  having  maintained  themselves  in  the 
vest  making  part  of  the  business,  which  is  the  easier  and 
more  agreeable  of  the  departments  in  the  trade.  This  is  a 
branch  in  which  the  Scandinavians  predominate  in  Chi- 
cago. In  the  local  clothing  industry,  53.2  per  cent  of 
the  male  employees,  sixteen  years  of  age  and  over,  are 
Hebrews;  24  per  cent,  Italians;  13. i  per  cent,  Germans; 
.5  per  cent,  Americans;  among  the  women  workers  of 
like  age,  41.6  per  cent  are  Germans;  13.9  per  cent,  Ital- 
ians ;  1 1.3  per  cent,  Hebrews ;  and  11  per  cent,  Americans. 
Thus,  whereas  the  German  race  predominates  among  the 
female  employees,  the  Hebrew  predominates  among  the 
men ;  among  the  women  46.3  per  cent  are  native-born  of 
foreign  parents,  and  38.9  per  cent  are  foreign-bom. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  the  race  preferences  for  certain 
kinds  of  work.  In  representative  establishments,  it  was 
found  that  among  the  female  operators  nearly  34  per  cent 
are  Germans  and  19  per  cent,  Americans;  less  than  6 
per  cent  are  Italians  and  only  3  per  cent  are  Hebrews. 
Hand  sewing  attracts  much  larger  percentages  of  Ital- 
ians and  Hebrews  who  constitute  25  per  cent  and  13  per 
cent  of  this  force,  respectively ;  while  of  the  same  force, 
Germans  constitute  30  per  cent,  and  Americans,  14  per 
cent 


CHAPTER  II. 
Trade-Unionism  in  the  Clothing  Trade 

Prior  to  1880  there  existed  an  organization  of  garment 
workers  known  as  the  Sons  of  Adam,  concerning  which 
little  is  known  save  that  it  was  a  social  organization 
whose  treasurer  absconded  with  $300.00.^ 

In  1 88 1  the  Knights  of  Labor  formed  a  cutters'  union 
in  the  city,  but  in  1882  a  strike  was  called  in  J.  W.  Rosen- 
thal's shop  against  the  employment  of  a  nonunion  man 
for  whom  unionists  entertained  a  dislike.  The  shop  was 
not  a  closed  shop  and  Mr.  Rosenthal  continued  to  em- 
ploy the  man.  The  General  Assembly  of  the  Knights 
of  Labor  condemned  the  strike  and  the  local  organization 
was  disrupted. 

The  cutters  remained  unorganized  until  1884 ;  and  then, 
under  the  direction  of  a  special  agent,  a  new  union  was 
called  into  being  under  the  name  of  a  benevolent  society, 
which  by  1888  had  become  openly  affiliated  with  the 
Knights  of  Labor,  under  whose  direction  for  several  sub- 
sequent years  the  organization  of  the  various  trades  in 
the  industry  was  rapid  and  most  successful.  By  1890 
five  local  unions,  comprising  nearly  all  the  garment  work- 


*  Many  facts  concerning  the  early  history  of  unionism  in  this 
industry  were  gained  principally  from  Mr.  Christian  Miller, 
President  of  Cutters  Union,  No.  136,  and  an  old-time  unionist 
and  resident  of  Rochester. 

49 


INDUSTRY  AND    TRADE    UNIONISM 

ers  of  the  city,  had  affiliated  with  the  Knights  of  Labor, 
and  were  designated  as  follows : 

Garment  Cutters  and  Trimmers No.  1727 

'T^i^o^'s    No.  1910 

'^^^^ors    No    2930 

Stockkeepers    Nq.  2742 

Lady  Tailors No.  2558 

The  Lady  Tailors'  Local  last  named  was  accredited 
with  a  membership  of  2100.  These  local  unions  were 
connected  with  National  Trades  Aseembly  No.  231  with 
headquarters  at  Chicago  and  with  Mr.  James  Hughes 
as  chairman  of  the  Executive  Board;  this  National 
Trades  Assembly  was  in  turn  a  department  of  the  inter- 
national organization  of  the  Knights  of  Labor. 

By  1890  the  wage  rate  had  increased  over  that  paid 
in  the  early  eighties,  and  in  1889  the  nine-hour  day  in- 
stead of  the  ten-hour  day  was  conceded  by  the  employers 
to  the  unionists.* 

Conditions  Leading  to  the  Lockout  of  /^p/.— The  phe- 
nomenal success  of  this  labor  movement  tended  to  make 
the  labor  men  so  over  confident  and  arrogant  in  their 
demands  that  the  employers  became  exasperated  and 
finally  decided  upon  a  lockout  as  the  best  means  of  self- 
defence.  Among  the  most  important  of  the  numerous 
regulations  which  had  caused  the  employers  no  little  trou- 
ble were  the  apprenticeship  rules  f  and  of  the  many  inter- 
esting cases*  in  which  such  trouble  occurred,  that  of  the 
wholesale  establishment  of  Michael  Kolb  &  Son  is  typi- 
cal. 

2  See  Union  Policies— Shorter  Workday,  p.  66. 
« Ibid.,  Apprenticeship  rules,  p.  67 
*  Ibid.,  p.   67 

50 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

Mr.  Kolb,  employing  a  young  man  who  was  a  relative 
as  an  apprentice,  was  informed  by  the  union  that  such 
employment  was  in  violation  of  its  apprenticeship  rules, 
and  that  the  individual  in  question  should  be  discharged. 
In  consequence  of  Mr.  Kolb's  refusal  to  take  this  action, 
a  boycott  was  instituted  against  his  firm  through  the 
agency  of  the  National  Trades  Assembly,  by  informing 
its  patrons  that  they  could  no  longer  buy  his  goods  with- 
out incurring  the  loss  of  trade  and  enmity  of  organized 
labor  throughout  the  country.    Mr.  Kolb,  after  experienc- 
ing for  a  short  time  the  disastrous  results  of  this  hostility, 
changed  his  attitude,  complied  with  the  unionists'  de- 
mands, and  began  to  negotiate  the  lifting  of  the  boycott 
with  Mr.  Hughes  of  Chicago.     This  official  demanded 
$287.00  to  defray  expenses  already  incurred  by  the  affair, 
and   Mr.   Kolb   promptly  paid   the   sum;   but   then,   to 
finance  the  raising  of  the  boycott,  $971.00  more  were  de- 
manded, upon  the  asseveration  that  it  would  cost  on  an 
average  $50.00  to  lift  the  same  in  the  case  of  each  indi- 
vidual customer.     On  investigating  the  list  of  firms  for 
which  he  was  charged  $50.00  each,  Mr.  Kolb  discovered 
the  names  of  many  that  did  not  trade  with  him,  and  that 
by  striking  these  off  the  list,  instead  of  $971.00,  the  in- 
demnity required  should  be  $500.00,  an  amount  which 
he  immediately  added  to  his  former  payment,  much  to 
the  disgust  of  Mr.  Hughes  who  still  demanded  $471.00 
more. 

This  affair  raises  the  problem  as  to  how  far  it  is  ad- 
visable for  an  outside  union  official  to  interfere  in  local 
union  affairs.  The  officials  of  the  Knights  of  Labor 
seemed  to  follow  frequently,  as  in  the  present  case,  a 
policy  of  general  interference,  in  contrast  to  which  it  is  the 
policy  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  to  practise 

51 


'r 


y 


y 


\\ 


INDUSTRY  AND    TRADE    UNIONISM 

the  minimum  of  interference  and  that  only  in  such 
matters  as  involve  the  interests  of  organized  labor  in 
general.* 

Mr.  Thein,  Vice  Chairman  of  the  National  Executive 
Board,  of  which  Mr.  Hughes  was  chairman,  and  a  citizen 
of  Rochester  as  well  as  a  leader  among  the  local  gar- 
ment workers,  agreed  with  Mr.  Kolb  that  $500.00,  rather 
than  $971.00,  constituted  the  amount  which  should  be 
required  of  him  upon  the  basis  specified.     Consequently, 
when  Mr.  Hughes  refused  to  raise  completely  the  boycott 
in  consideration  of  the  $787.00  of  fines  already  paid,  Mr. 
Thein  wrote  letters  to  customers  in  Mr.  Kolb's  behalf. 
Upon  hearing  of  this,  Mr.  Hughes,  under  date  of  March 
7,  1890,  sent  to  Mr.  Kolb  the  following  statement :«  "Mr. 
Thein  cannot  release  embargo  against  your  product  and 
the  fact  of  your  having  him  write  will  only  make  mat- 
ters worse."    In  view  of  this  and  other  similar  cases,  it 
is  evident  that  the  national  organization  resorted  to,  and 
drove  local  unionists  to,  harsh  measures,  which  in  all 
probability  the  Rochester  men  of  themselves  would  not 
have  executed.    Messrs.    Hughes  and  Kolb  finally  com- 
promised upon  an  additional  payment  of  $300.00,  instend 
of  $471.00  as  previously  demanded,  and  the  boycott  was 
lifted  after  a  total  cost  to  Mr.  Kolb  of  $1087.00  and  the 
temporary  demoralization  of  his  business.    As  has  been 
said,  this  case  was  but  one  of  several  which  involved  the 
employers  in  many  thousands  of  dollars  of  fines. 

Among  other  causes  of  frequent  trouble  between  union- 
ists and  employers  were  the  union  regulations  as  to  the 
limitation  of  the  number  of  workers,  the  time  during 

«See   Union    Policies— Interference   of    National    Officials   in 
Local  Matters,  p.  64. 

•See  N.  Y.  State  Senate  Documents,  1891. 

52 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

which  they  might  work  and  the  amount  of  work  that 
they  might  do.  All  these  restrictions  with  others,  dis- 
cussed at  length  under  the  topic  "Union  Rules,"  so  har- 
assed the  employers  that  they  organized  themselves  into 
a  body  called  the  Clothiers'  Exchange,  incorporated  in 
November,  1890. 

Clothiers'  Exchange  and  Employers*  Policy. — The  fol- 
lowing extracts  from  the  by-laws  of  the  Exchange  will 
clearly  set  forth  the  purpose  and  character  of  the  organi- 
zation. 

Article  I.  Section  2.  Purpose.— The  purpose  of  this  organiza- 
tion shall  be  to  foster  trade  and  commerce,  to  reform  abuses 
in  trade  and  business,  to  secure  freedom  from  unjust  or  unlaw- 
ful exactions,  to  diffuse  accurate  and  reliable  information  among 
its  members,  as  to  the  standing  of  merchants,  to  produce  uni- 
formity and  certainty  in  the  customs  and  usages  of  the  trade 
and  commerce,  to  settle  differences  between  its  members  and  to 
promote  a  more  enlarged  and  friendly  intercourse  between  mer- 
chants and  business  men. 

Article  V.  Section  3,  Executive  Committee.  ...  It  shall  take 
such  measures  and  make  such  rules  as  it  may  determine  .  .  . 
to  collect  and  furnish  accurate  and  reliable  information  among 
its  members  concerning  employees.  .  .  . 

Section  6.  Committee  on  Exactions. — The  committee  on  un- 
just and  unlawful  exactions  shall  have  exclusive  jurisdiction 
and  cognizance  ...  of  any  and  every  alleged,  unjust  arfd  un- 
lawful exaction  ...  of  or  against  this  corporation  .  .  .  the  com- 
mittee may  order  and  direct  that  the  persons,  partnerships  and 
corporations  represented  in  this  corporation  .  .  .  shall  totally 
shut  down  and  cease  to  manufacture  or  operate  their  respective 
factories  or  give  employment  to  their  respective  employees  for 
such  time  as  may  be  necessary  and  until  such  unjust  and  unlaw- 
ful exaction  shall  cease  .  .  . 

Article  VIII.  Section  1.  Acts  Prohibited.— "Mo  member  of 
this    corporation  .  .  .  shall    employ  .  .  .  any    employee    of    any 

53 


t 


INDUSTRY  AND    TRADE    UNIONISM 

other  member  .  .  .  without  the  consent  in  writing  of  such  mem- 
ber ..  .  unless  three  months  have  elapsed  since  said  employee 
has  been  in  such  employment;  the  time  of  any  strike,  shut-down 
or  lockout,  not  however,  to  form  any  part  of  said  three  months. 


The  policy  stated  in  this  last  section  is  sometimes  term- 
ed "blacklisting."    The  laborer's  point  of  view  concern- 
ing the  same  was  stated  to  the  writer  by  a  prominent 
labor  leader  in  the  city  to  the  effect  that  this  agreement 
between  the  manufacturers  made  it  impossible  for  any 
employee  to  better  his  condition  by  obtaining  a  job  with 
some  other   firm  without  his   employer's   consent,   atid 
thus  at  the  mercy  of  the  latter,  the  laboring  man  was 
often  deprived  of  the  opportunity  to  rise.    On  the  other 
hand,   the  employer's  point  of  view  was   stated  by  a 
Rochester  manufacturer,  Bernard  Rothschild,  before  rep- 
resentatives of  the  State  Board  of  Mediation  and  Arbi- 
tration, as  follows :    "Well  I  would  say  that  it  has  always 
been  customary  among  the  merchants  here  not  to  hire 
each  other's  help  away  as  a  matter  of  courtesy,  but  when 
we  found  that  these  officers  of  the  union  commenced  to 
trade   in   our  men,   took   them   away   from   one   place 
to  another;  when  we  found  that  we  could  not  employ 
nonunion  help,  could  not  take  young  men  and  teach  them 
the  trade— union  cutters  we  could  not  get— it  was  a  rather 
dangerous  thing  for  us  to  go  to  New  York  and  contract 
for  hundreds  of  thousands  of  dollars  worth  of  goods  and 
not  be  able  to  depend  on  the  help  we  had  at  that  time 
to  cut  them  up;  we  then  came  to  the  conclusion,  that 
as  a  matter  of  financial  safety,  it  was  necessary  for  us 
to  adopt  some  means,  in  view  of  the  restriction  which 
the  union  had  put  on  us,  to  secure  for  ourselves  at  least 

54 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

that  help  which  we  had  at  that  time  in  the  house,  so  that 
we  could  make  our  contracts  accordingly." 

Lockout  of  i8gi. — As  a  result  of  their  conflicting 
policies,  there  continued  to  be  constant  friction  between 
the  organized  employers  and  employees,  until,  on  the 
morning  of  the  seventh  of  March,  three  hundred  and 
fifty  cutters  found  themselves  locked  out  and  one  of  the 
greatest,  if  not  the  greatest,  labor  struggle  in  Rochester's 
history  was  on.  Work  ceased  throughout  the  entire  in- 
dustry, thus  depriving  20,000  people  of  their  means  of 
support.  The  fight  was  extremely  bitter.  In  the  Roches- 
ter Times  of  March  27,  1891,  appeared  a  statement  of 
the  employers'  case  as  follows:  "We  are  convinced  that 
the  branch  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  which  includes  the 
clothing  industry  in  Rochester  has  been  directed  by  a 
set  of  unscrupulous  men  to  serve  their  own  means,  re- 
gardless of  anything  else.  They  have  terrorized  their 
followers;  they  have  also  made  every  effort  to  terrorize 
us.  They  have  subjected  us  to  all  manner  of  insult  and 
imposition  until  they  have  compelled  us  to  rise  up  and 
take  the  steps  we  have. 

"We  believe  that  we  are  not  safe  in  fostering  this 
branch  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  and  for  this  reason  re- 
fuse to  hire  them." 

None  of  the  cutters  were  allowed  to  return  to  work 
until  they  had  withdrawn  from  the  labor  organization 
and  advertisements  appeared  in  the  New  York  World 
for  250  more  cutters  to  come  to  Rochester.  Several  labor 
leaders  were  arraigned  on  the  charge  of  conspiracy, 
while  an  additional  charge  of  extortion  was  preferred 
against  Mr.  James  Hughes,  under  which  he  was  con- 
victed and  sentenced  to  the  Monroe  County  Penitentiary 
for  one  year. 

55 


INDUSTRY  AND   TRADE   UNIONISM 

A  statement  of  the  employees'  side  of  the  case  aooeared 
m  the  Journal  of  the  Knights  of  Labor:  "TrwEale 
clothmg  manufacturers  of  Rochester,  N  Y   havrfo^P^ 

ly  pa>d  mto  the  treasury  of  the  Exchange  by  the  employ- 
ers) pa,d  ,n  to  stand  together  and  break  up  the  lScI 
of  our  order  ....  They  (manufacturers)  have  the  5? 
tnct  attorney  of  Rochester  in  their  employ  to  send  ihe 
members  of  our  district  board  to  the  state  prison  " 

The  unionists  were  not  without  their  supporters.  The 
t^^f  Express  came  out  with  the  following:  "We  think 
the  clothmg  manufacturers  were  wrong  in  declaring  that 
they  would  en:p,oy  no  Knights  of  Labor."  In  comment- 
ing on  th,s  statement,  an  editorial  of  the  Times  for 
March  25,  1891,  said:  "You  think  so.  We  know  that 
they  are  wrong." 

The  lockout  nevertheless  proved  disastrous  to  the 
Knights.  It  has  been  averred  that  only  5,  members  re- 
mamed  m  the  ranks  of  the  cutters'  union.  An  editorial 
of  the  T^mes  for  April  ,,  ,891.  stated  that  the  employers 
were  allowmg  their  men  to  go  back  to  the  factories  on 
cond.t.on  that  they  had  severed  all  relations  with  the 
Knights  of  Labor. 

Reorganization  and  Progress  After  the  Lockout -^ot 
long  after  these  events,  another  cutters'  union  was  form- 
ea  by  the  United  Garment  Workers  of  America,  affiliated 
with  the  American  Federation  of  Labor,  under  the  direc- 
tion of  a  Mr.  White,  who,  it  is  confidently  avowed  bv 
some,  though  not  admitting  of  adequate  proof,  formed 
this  loca  union  with  an  understanding  between  the  cloth- 
ing employers  of  the  city  and  himself,  for  the  purpose 
of  nullifying  the  effects  among  labor  sympathizers  of  the 

56 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

boycott  instituted  by  the  Knights  of  Labor  against 
Rochester-made  clothing.  In  support  of  this  supposi- 
tion, the  words  of  Mr.  Chambers,  President  of  the  Cut- 
ters' Union,  in  the  Rochester  Labor  Journal,  Oct.  24, 
1903,  may  be  noted:  "Moreover,  the  present  union  (Cut- 
ters No.  136  of  U.  G.  W.  A.)  is  a  creation  of  the  manu- 
facturers of  this  city  brought  into  being  some  time  after 
Hughes  had  been  disposed  of."  It  certainly  appears 
strange  that  the  employers  should  countenance  the  form- 
ation of  a  union  so  soon  after  the  struggle  with  the 
Knights  of  Labor,  unless  they  had  some  ulterior  end  in 
view;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  it  does  not  seem  at  all 
strange  that  members  of  the  American  Federation  of 
Labor  should  be  found  willing  by  them  to  antagonize  a 
definite  policy  of  the  Knights.  That  very  bitter  enmity 
existed  between  the  two  Orders  was  evidenced  by  an 
incident  which  occurred  in  the  city  before  the  lockout. 
Certain  Knights  who  were  required  by  their  Order  to 
take  stock  in  a  concern  in  Chicago  rebelled  and  secretly 
prepared  to  join  the  American  Federation  of  Labor. 
There  is  nothing  to  show  that  they  did  so,  but  the  bitter 
feeling  engendered  and  the  charges  preferred  against  a 
member  who  was  alleged  to  be  of  this  number  betrayed  a 
spirit  of  jealousy  and  enmity  from  which  one  might  na- 
turally infer  that  the  Federation  would  have  had  slight 
scruples  in  antagonizing  a  boycott  of  the  Knights  such 
as  existed  against  Rochester  clothing  after  the  lockout 
of  1891. 

Beside  the  union  of  the  United  Garment  Workers,  a 
purely  local  union  was  established,  while  a  feeble  organi- 
zation maintained  by  the  Knights  still  existed.  The  latter 
died  out  and  the  local  union  in  a  few  years  joined  the 

57 


iS 


II 


Oi 


INDUSTRY   AND    TRADE    UNIONISM 

United  Garment  Workers  who  made  such  steady  pro- 
gress that  by  1903  their  membership  hst  contained  the 
names  of  between  400  and  500  cutters.     Subsequent  to 
1899  agitation  in  favor  of  the  union  labeF  was  carried 
on  with  vigor  by  this  union  as  was  also  an  aid  poHcy.« 
In  1900  the  Garment  Workers  had  a  disagreement  with 
other  unionists  in  the  city,  in  consequence  of  which  the 
former  withdrew  from  the  Central  Trades  and  Labor 
Council;  an  action  for  which  the  Labor  Journal,  Feb. 
3,  1900,  had  the  following  explanation  to  give :  "Commit- 
tee to  visit  the  Garment  Workers  and  Shoe  Workers 
Unions  who  had  served  notice  of  withdrawal  reported 
that   their  organization   claimed   the  Assembly  was   so 
rotten  and  contaminated  that  they  were  in  order  to  pre- 
serve the  good  and  welfare  of  themselves  and  fellow 
members  compelled  to  cease  affiliating  with  the  nest  of 
unclean  birds."    Unionism  suffers  not  a  little  from  strife 
within  its  own   ranks;   in   this  instance,  however,   the 
Garment  Workers  not  long  after  re-established  their  con- 
nection with  the  "unclean  birds,"  although  just  what 
manner  of  regeneration  had  in  the  meantime  been  ex- 
perienced by  the  latter  is  not  stated.     The  union  of  the 
local  clothing  workers  had  again  become  very  prosper- 
ous when  in  1903  they  entered  upon  the  second  great 
crisis  of  their  career  as  an  organized  body. 

Strike  of  jpoj-^.— After  having  given  previous  notice 
to  their  employers,  four  hundred  and  twenty  cutters 
struck  for  the  eight-hour  day  on  Oct.  2,  1903.  The  nine- 
hour  day,  it  will  be  remembered,  had  been  gained  in  1899. 
Given  among  the  reasons  for  this  demand  was  the  fact 
of  a  similar  movement  throughout  the  State,  coincident 

^  See  Union  Policies— Label  Agitation,  p.  71 
« Ibid.,  Aid  Policy,  p.  73. 

58 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 


with  the  introduction  of  new  cutting  machines  which 
reduced  the  nimiber  of  working  days  per  year.®  The 
trade-unionists  of  Chicago  took  active  measures  to  help 
the  Rochester  strikers,  instructing  retail  clerks  of  the 
city  to  cease  pushing  Rochester  clothing,  and  voting  as- 
sessments amounting  to  $3,000.00  for  aid.  By  Novem- 
ber of  the  same  year,  $22,000  had  been  pledged  to  the 
assistance  of  the  striking  cutters. 

As  usual  the  strike  generated  very  bad  feeling  between 
the  contending  parties.  Mr.  Chambers,  President  of 
Local  Cutters'  Union  No.  136,  was  arrested  on  a  charge 
of  grand  larceny.  Upon  his  acquittal  he  commenced  ac- 
tion against  Mr.  Sole  Wile,  Secretary  of  the  Clothiers* 
Exchange,  for  $50,000.00  damages.  Numerous  conflicts 
between  individuals  took  place,  resulting  in  arrests  and 
indictments  for  assault  or  incitement  to  riot,  some  of 
which  led  to  conviction  on  pleas  of  guilty,  involving  a 
striker,  in  one  case,  in  a  fine  of  $250.00,  and,  in  another 
instance,  a  three  months'  term  in  the  penitentiary. 

The  firm  of  Rothschild's  agreed  to  the  eight-hour  day 
on  the  following  condition:  "If  within  six  months  the 
eight-hour  day  should  not  be  granted  also  by  a  majority 
of  the  other  firms,  then  the  nine-hour  day  should  be  re- 
stored. "At  the  expiration  of  the  time  set  the  firm  re- 
turned to  the  nine-hour  schedule.  The  strike  was  an 
utter  failure.  The  factories  trained  apprentices  and  im- 
ported help  so  that  by  January,  1904,  they  were  operating 
the  cutting  departments  full-handed.  The  seventeen) 
clothing  companies  which  thus  again  broke  the  back  of 
unionism  in  this  trade  were : 

Stein-Block  Co. 
Michaels,  Stem  &  Co. 
» Ibid.,  Shorter  Workday,  p.  66. 

59 


INDUSTRY  AND    TRADE   UNIONISM 

Garson,  Meyer  &  Co. 

Adler  Bros. 

Solomon  Bros.  &  Lempert 

Moore  &  Biers. 

Meyer  &  Simon. 

A.  Dinkelspiel. 

Block  &  Co. 

Hickey  Freeman  Co. 

Steefel,  Straus  &  Connor. 

R.  Goldstein. 

H.  A.  Hayes. 

Herman  Stem. 

Holtz  &  Son. 

Levy  Bros. 

Rosenberg  Bros. 

o? le  i^' n  "''\'^^  ""^"^  '"  *^'"-    Member^ 

from  the  Untn      '.  l^""""  '°  --^^'S"  ^"""^"y 

PuTi     -Wn      ;    '^°"^"'l"^""y."  as  the  Labor  Journal 

were  obli^Ttot^-  "'''  "'T  """'"^  °^  '"e  Union 

closed  shop.  ''''  ^"^  ""^'"^^-"^  ^  «tri<:tly 

Prw^n/   Status   of   Garment   Workers'   IJninn.      a. 
rr  t"^  ^"  *"°  ""^'^^  Garment  Wor^^^^LT^ 

'^nion,  jNo.  14,  which  was  organized  in  1910 

60 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

There  is  also  a  third  but  very  small  clothing  workers' 
organization  among  the  Lithuanians  v^ho  work  at  Gold- 
water's  union  factory.  The  union  movement  in  this 
industry  is  now  very  weak  so  that  the  clothing  trade  may 
be  said  to  present  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  failures 
in  all  Rochester  trade-unionism.  Constant  friction  be- 
tween large  German  and  Jewish  elements  in  the  industry, 
rendering  cooperation  on  the  part  of  these  employees 
very  difficult,  does  not  help  the  situation  any.  Never- 
theless the  spirit  of  organization  among  these  workers 
is  not  dead  and  one  would  not  dare  to  predict  what  its 
future  may  be. 

When  we  endeavor  to  look  at  these  industrial  problems 
from  the  viewpoint  of  both  the  employer  and  employee 
and  then  judge  impartially  and  sympathetically,  but  with 
due  justice  to  each,  we  are  forced  to  the  conclusion  that 
the  unionist  for  adherence  to  his  principles  has  frequently 
suflFered  gross  injustice ;  on  the  other  hand,  the  employers' 
assertion  that  trade-unionism  is  often  very  unfair  in  its 
demands  and  that  in  the  height  of  its  power  it  has  been 
guilty  of  rank  injustice  to  its  employers,  is  equally  true. 
The  fact  is  we  are  all  more  or  less  selfish  whether  em- 
ployers or  employees  and,  when  possessed  of  power,  are 
in  grave  danger  of  exercising  it  to  our  own  advantage 
regardless  of  the  rights  of  the  other  side.  Under  our 
present  industrial  regime,  the  employees  have  rights  to 
protect,  rights  often  best  defended  by  organization ;  like- 
wise, employers  have  rights,  for  the  maintenance  of 
which  corporate  cooperation  on  their  part  is  not  to  be 
arbitrarily  condemned. 


61 


CHAPTER  III. 

Union  Policies  of  Garment  Workers 

The  general  purpose  of  a  union  is  substantially  indicat- 
ed in  the  preamble  of  the  old  Rochester  Cutters'  Union 
of  the  Knights  of  Labor:      • 

"The  object  of  this  organization  shall  be  for  the  protection 

£r.p=;  f  fa-  Ta^of^la-  -i't^oC: 
tt'  oTthfS;^f.rLrV"  -^  — c  Of  the  Cons^ 

The  purposes  of  unionism,  as  set  forth  by  the  Ameri- 
can Federation  of  Labor,  may  be  enumerated  under  six 
general  head.ngs:  (i)  A  minimum  wage  enabling  a  man 
to  live  in  conformity  to  American  standards.  (2)  An 
eight-hour  day.  (3)  The  nonemployment  of  children 
.nH  r  k"  T  /^^  Legislation  safeguarding  the  lives 
and  limbs  of  workmen.  (5)  Compensation  for  the  death 
or  injury  of  the  workman.  (6)  Improvement  in  sanitary 
conditions  m  factories  and  in  the  housing  of  the  work- 

Forms  of  Orgam.ation^-Belonging  to  the  Knights  of 
Labor  m  1890,  there  were  in  Rochester  five  garment 
workers  unions  representing  various  divisions  of  the 
trade,  m^.,  cutters,   stockkeepers,   shipping  clerks,  and 

T^j7''"m'''"''"w    ^'^'"'"'   °^   ^^"^^^^   ^^^'   federations    see 
I    r.    ^'\T'^-  "-'^^  Federations  in  the  United  State"'    Par; 
;.  Chapter  II    m  Johns  Hopkins  Studies  in  Historical  Zd  Pol 
ttcal  Science,  Ser.  XXIV,  p.  631. 

62 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

tailors.  These  locals  were  amalgamated  with  National 
Trades  Assembly,  No.  231,  which  had  its  headquarters  at 
Chicago  and  which  represented  numerous  clothing  work- 
ers' unions  in  various  cities.  This  Assembly  was  in  turn 
subordinate  to  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Knights  of 
Labor,  which  had  under  its  jurisdiction  many  other  Na- 
tional Assemblies  representing  unions  in  various  indus- 
tries and  of  various  types.  Each  local  elected  its  own 
officers ;  the  National  Assembly  had  an  Executive  Board 
whose  chairman  devoted  his  time  to  the  management  of 
the  locals  in  its  jurisdiction;  and  the  activities  of  the 
entire  Order  were  directed  by  a  president^  and  other  offi- 
cers elected  by  representatives  from  the  affiliated  bodies. 
In  Rochester  the  clothing  workers'  unions  of  the  Knights 
of  Labor  were  disrupted  in  1891  and  an  entirely  new 
organization  entered  the  city. 

Local  Cutters'  Union,  No.  136,  and  Tailors'  Union,  No. 
14,  under  this  new  regime  are  federated  with  the  United 
Garment  Workers  of  America,  a  national  society  of  cloth- 
ing workers,  which,  in  common  with  state  and  national 
organizations  of  other  trades,  is  one  of  the  parts  consti- 
tuent of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor.  The  officers 
of  the  American  Federation,  like  those  of  the  national 
unions,  are  elected  in  convention  to  which  the  affiliated 
bodies  send  representatives.  But  aside  from  this  mode 
of  representation,  the  two  local  unions  referred  to  are  at 
present  connected  with  the  American  Federation  in  still 
another  way,  viz.,  through  the  Rochester  Central  Trades 
and  Labor  Council,  which  is  entitled  to  a  delegate  in  the 
annual  convention  of  the  Federation,  and  in  which,  as 
a  clearing  house  for  the  unions  of  tlie  city,  each  local 

2  Called   the   General   Master   Workman   in   the   Knights   of 

Labor. 

63 


I 


INDUSTRY  AND    TRADE    UNIONISM 

body  may  have  a  stipulated  number  of  representatives  • 
provided  the  Council  sees  ht  to  seat  them.  The  local 
officers  elected  by  the  city  unions  are:  President,  Vice 
President,  Secretary,  Treasurer,  Guard  (for  outside  pass- 
word), Gmde  (for  inside  password),  and  the  Executive 
Board,  composed  of  the  four  principal  officers  and  three 
other  members,  whose  duty  it  is  to  tend  to  important 
matter.,  of  business,  and  deal  with  questions  demanding 
immediate  attention  between  regular  meetings  of  the 
union. 

Interference  of  National  Officers  in  Local  Matters  — 
The  national  officials  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  took  an 
active  part  m  local  disputes  often  without  regard  to  the 
desires  of  the  local  unionists  and  to  the  great  aggrava- 
tion of  employers.     An  important  example  of  this  has 
been  cited.^    Another  instance  in  which  a  national  officer 
mterfered,  this  time  in  a  petty  local  quarrel,  occurred  in 
the  shop  of  Max  Brickner,  a  clothing  merchant  of  the 
city.    Mr.  Katz,  unionist  and  employee,  told  a  new  em- 
ployee that,  unless  he  joined  the  union,  he  could  not 
work  there,  to  which  the  newcomer  replied  that  he  had 
not  money  sufficient  to  meet  the  expense  of  joining  the 
union.     Mr.  Katz,  however,  caused  this  man  to  leave 
and  as  a  result,  Mr.  Brickner  discharged  Mr.  Katz  for 
interference  in  his  business.    Mr.  Thein,  a  resident  of  the 
city,  member  of  the  local  union,  and  Vice  Chairman  of 
the  National  Executive  Board  of  Trades  Assembly,  No. 
231,  seemed  satisfied  with  Mr.  Brickner's  explanation 
that  Mr.  Katz  had  exceeded  his  duty  as  an  officer  of  the 
union;  but  Mr.  Hughes  of  Chicago,  Chairman  of  the 
Executive  Board  of  Trades  Assembly,  No.  231,  took  up 
the  case  and  wrote  Mr.  Brickner  in  threatening  language 
».  See  Trade-Unionism  in  the  Clothing  Trade,  p.  49. 

64 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

to  the  effect  that  Mr.  Katz  must  be  re-employed.  Mr. 
Brickner  hastened  to  adjust  the  matter,  but  the  affair  by 
no  means  increased  his  love  of  the  union.  Such  outside 
interference  involved  local  unionists  in  frequent  trouble 
which  placed  them  in  a  bad  light  before  employers  to  a 
degree  that  might  have  been  avoided. 

The  policy  of  the  national  organization  with  which  the 
Garment  Workers  are  at  present  affiliated  is  to  inter- 
fere as  little  as  possible  in  purely  local  affairs,  but  to 
enforce  only  such  regulations  as  are  necessary  for  the 
welfare  of  the  organization  nationally.  This  policy  is 
a  marked  characteristic  of  the  American  Federation  of 
Labor  as  distinguished  from  the  old  policy  of  interfer- 
ence of  certain  branches  of  the  Knights  of  Labor. 

Union  Rules 

Standard  Wage. — It  has  always  been  a  rule  of  the  Gar- 
ment Workers  to  maintain  if  possible  a  standard  rate  of 
wages.  Among  the  cutters  the  standard  wage  for  a  nor- 
mal week's  work  is  $20.00.  Those  who  are  unable  to 
earn  this  amount  may  be  allowed  to  work,  but  must  be 
paid  for  what  they  do  turn  out  on  the  basis  of  the 
standard  rate. 

Limitation  of  Amount  of  Work  to  Be  Done.— Although 
there  was  nothing  in  the  Constitution  of  the  Cutters' 
Union  of  the  Knights  to  so  indicate,  they  seemed  to 
adhere  to  a  policy  of  limiting  the  amount  of  work  to  be 
done  in  a  certain  time.  Mr.  Rothschild,  a  wholesale 
clothier,  in  testifying  before  the  State  Board  of  Media- 
tion and  Arbitration  presented  instances  of  such  limita- 
tion among  his  workmen. 

The  present  unions  do  not  have  any  rule  as  to  such 
limitation.     Each  shop  has  a  tacit  understanding,  how- 

65 


\: 


INDUSTRY  AND    TRADE    UNIONISM 

ever,  as  to  about  what  amount  of  work  should  be  done 
in  a  given  time  for  a  given  wage.  The  logical  effect 
of  this  policy  is  to  protect  the  standard  rate  of  wages. 

Shorter  Workday.— In  1899  the  Knights  agitated  for, 
and  gained  a  nine-hour  day.  The  working  day  had 
previously  been  ten  hours.  A  manufacturer  by  the  name 
of  Jacob  A.  Britenstol  made  an  attempt  to  withstand  the 
demand,  but  when  threatened  with  a  boycott  yielded  to 
the  unionists. 

In  1903  the  cutters  instituted  a  strike  for  the  eight- 
hour  day,  after  having  given  previous  notice.  The  eight- 
hour  day  had  been  granted  in  New  York,  Utica  and 
Syracuse.  Employers  in  Buffalo  had  conceded  a  week 
of  fifty-one  hours,  and  promised  one  of  forty-eight 
hours  when  Rochester  should  obtain  the  same.  Balti- 
more had  made  the  same  concession  and  the  same  promise 
to  be  fulfilled  upon  the  introduction  of  the  week  of  forty- 
eight  hours  in  both  Rochester  and  Buffalo. 

It  was  claimed  by  advocates  of  the  union  that  the  in- 
troduction of  cutting  machines  had  reduced  the  number 
of  working  days  per  year,  thereby  necessitating  a  shorter 
day  to  insure  steady  employment.  Also,  as  the  credit 
for  inventing  the  machine  was  claimed  by  labor,  it  was 
argued  that  labor  should  have  a  share  in  the  profits 
accruing  therefrom.  Although  the  strike  was  a  failure, 
a  week  of  forty-eight  hours  has  come  to  be  quite  gen- 
erally enjoyed  by  the  trade. 

Overtime  Work.— The  Cutters'  Union  of  the  Knights 
prohibited  overtime,  or  night  work,  although  the  em- 
ployers were  willing  to  pay  extra  wages  and  many  union- 
ists would  have  been  glad  to  have  earned  them.  It  was 
feared  that,  if  overtime  work  was  allowed,  it  would 
tend  to  undermine  the  standard  workday,  the  destnic- 

66 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

tion  of  which  would  also  involve  the  overthrow  of  the 
standard  wage  rate.  This  policy  was  especially  exasper- 
ating to  the  employers  as  may  be  surmised  from  the  fol- 
lowing statement  of  Mr.  Rothschilds  regarding  it,  in 
describing  a  futile  attempt  to  obtain  overtime  work  in  his 
shop:  "I  went  down  to  see  Mr.  Archer  myself  and  told 
him :  'Now  I  think  this  is  a  perfect  outrage,  here  my  men 
are  willing  to  work  ...  I  am  willing  to  pay  for  it,  and 
your  union  won't  allow  it,  I  think  it  is  arbitrary  and  ty- 
rannical.' " 

The  unions  at  present  allow  night  work  at  the  rate  of 
"one  and  one-half"  which  is  the  rate  for  all  overtime 
work. 

Apprenticeship  Rules. — The  Knights'  apprenticeship 
policy  as  set  forth  in  the  local  Cutters'  Constitution  was 
as  follows: 

Article  IV.  Section  1.— Apprentices  shall  be  regulated  by  the 
local. 

Section  2. — The  number  of  apprentices  to  be  taught  are  one 
to  every  shop;  two  to  every  twenty  journeymen  and  one  to  every 
additional  ten  journeymen  in  a  shop  and  are  to  serve  three  years 
until  they  become  competent  cutters  or  trimmers.  All  cases  not 
in  strict  accordance  with  the  above  shall  be  left  to  the  discre- 
tion of  the  executive  board  of  the  local  assembly. 

The  wages  of  the  apprentices  were  to  be  as  follows : 

First   year $3.00  per  week 

Second  year 5.00  per  week 

Third    year 7.00  per  week 

Difficulties  with  the  employers  over  these  rules  were 
frequent  and  serious  in  the  few  years  previous  to  the 
lockout  of  1891.     The  history  of  Mr.  Kolb*s  case  has 

67 


I 


INDUSTRY  AND    TRADE    UNIONISM 

already  been  recited.*  Henry  Michaels,  wholesale  cloth- 
ier, found  himself  unable  to  teach  his  own  son  the  trade 
through  the  operation  of  these  laws.  Stein-Block  &  Co. 
endeavored  to  oppose  these  regulations,  but  they  soon 
received  a  letter  from  the  union  official,  Mr.  Hughes, 
threatening  to  boycott  their  goods  in  a  long  list  of  cities 
specifically  named  where  their  customers  were  located. 
The  threat  was  executed  and  immediately  Stein-Block 
&  Co.  received  a  letter  from  a  patron  in  Albany  desiring 
them  to  settle  with  the  Knights,  as  this  Albany  firm  did 
not  dare  risk  buying  their  goods  under  a  boycott.  These 
boycotts  almost  invariably  succeeded  in  bringing  the  em- 
ployers to  time.  Abram  Adler  of  Adler  Co.  and  Isaac 
Wile  of  Wile,  Stem  &  Co.,  after  refusing  to  remove 
certain  apprentices,  were  boycotted  and  forced  to  pay 
$1,000.00  or  more  each  in  fines. 

After  the  downfall  of  the  Knights  in  the  city,  the  Unit- 
ed Garment  Workers  maintained  very  similar  apprentice- 
ship rules  until  the  strike  of  1903.  Since  that  time  the 
unions  have  been  too  weak  to  enforce  such  rules. 

Methods  of  Rule  Enforcement 

Boycott. — The  chief  weapon  by  which  the  Knights  en- 
forced recognition  of  their  policies  by  the  employers 
was  the  boycott.  The  union  had  means  of  finding  out 
who  their  employers'  customers  were.  Mr.  Lewis  Steller, 
a  shipping  clerk,  for  Rothschild,  Hays  &  Co.,  when  ques- 
tioned by  the  State  Board  of  Mediation  and  Arbitration 
in  1891,  testified  that  he  had  been  indirectly  asked  to 
furnish  a  list  of  customers  to  the  union.  Also,  Mr. 
Frederick  Thon,  stockkeeper  for  Stein-Block  &  Co.  when 


« Ibid.,  p.  49. 


66 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

asked:  "Have  you  been  requested  to  furnish  a  list  of 
the  customers  of  the  house  that  you  serve?"  replied,  "I 
have."  When  asked,  "To  whom?",  he  said,  "I  think  I  am 
now  fully  able  to  state  that  it  was  given  out  by  the  union 
that  we  must  make  up  a  list  of  all  the  customers  of 
our  houses  and  forward  them  to  the  union."  After  thus 
learning  who  the  customers  of  their  employers  were,  the 
Knights  would  warn  them  not  to  patronize  a  boycotted 
firm  on  penalty  of  losing  the  trade  of  labor  sympathiz- 
ers and  being  themselves  boycotted.  To  accomplish 
these  ends  money  was  not  spared.  This  method  of  en- 
forcing their  policies  was  finally  declared  unlawful  and 
involved  the  leaders  of  the  union  in  criminal  proceedings 
for  extortion,  under  which  Chairman  Hughes,  as  has 
elsewhere  been  stated,  was  convicted  and  sentenced  to 
prison  for  one  year. 

In  enforcing  their  rules  against  employers,  the  United 
Garment  Workers  resort  to  the  label,  the  unfair  list, 
and  the  strike.  If  an  employer  refuses  to  comply  with 
the  regulations  of  a  union,  he  is  denied  the  use  of  the  label 
without  which  loyal  trade-unionists  will  not  buy  his 
product.  Moreover,  his  firm  may  be  placed  upon  the 
unfair  list  in  labor  papers,  which  exhort  their  readers 
not  to  patronize  any  firm  so  listed ;  but  no  further  steps 
are  taken  in  the  direction  of  a  boycott.  These  devices 
at  present  do  not  seem  to  hamper  seriously  the  clothing 
manufacturers  of  Rochester,  as  nearly  all  local  shops  are 
nonunion. 

In  forcing  the  observance  of  the  union's  rules  upon 
their  own  members,  the  Knights  boycotted  any  oflFender. 
The  employers  were  warned  not  to  hire  him  at  the  risk 
of  a  boycott  of  their  firm  until  the  man  in  question  made 
his  peace  with  the  union.    These  measures  were  usually 

69 


i 


INDUSTRY  AND    TRADE    UNIONISM 

very  effective.  Moreover,  the  Knights  took  special  pains 
to  disciphne  their  members  if  guilty  of  unreasonable  con- 
duct toward  their  employer  as  is  set  forth  by  Article 
VIII  in  the  Constitution  of  the  Cutters'  Union: 

Section  1. — Any  member  of  this  assembly  who  shall  wilfully 
violate  his  position,  namely:  when  absenting  himself  from  the 
shop  without  proper  cause  when  he  had  ought  to  be  at  work 
and  thereby  be  discharged  or  censured  by  his  principals,  he  will 
not  be  sustained  by  this  assembly  for  his  action  and  he  must 
consider  that  he  is  doing  himself  a  personal  injury. 

At  the  present  time,  although  an  offender  might  suffer 
expulsion  from  the  union  for  violation  of  its  rules,  the 
organization  can  do  nothing  to  hinder  him  from  obtain- 
ing work,  since  local  employers  discriminate  in  favor  of 
nonunionists.  It  is  not  the  policy  of  the  union  to  sus- 
tain any  member  in  unreasonable  conduct  toward  an  em- 
ployer ;  but  a  guilty  member,  in  all  probability,  would  not 
be  censured ;  because  the  union  is  in  too  great  need  of  the 
few  members  it  has  to  risk  offending  any. 

Blacklisting  a  Position. — Another  method  of  enforcing 
the  union's  policies  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  employ- 
ers is  explained  in  the  following  section  from  the  Con- 
stitution before  referred  to: 

Article  VII.  Section  2. — When  a  member  shall  be  discharged 
by  his  employer  without  a  satisfactory  cause  for  his  dismissal, 
no  other  brother  shall  be  allowed  to  take  his  vacancy  until  satis- 
factory proof  has  been  given  to  the  executive  board. 

A  similar  policy  would  probably  not  be  adhered  to 
now;  because,  as  a  cutter  said  to  the  writer,  the  imion 
would  prefer  to  have  one  of  their  number  hold  the  po- 

70 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

sition  even  if  the  employer  could  not  be  persuaded  to  re- 
employ the  discharged  unionist. 

Label.— The  label  signifies  that  the  goods  bearing  it 
have  been  made  under  the  conditions  prescribed  by  the 
union,  and  no  employer  is  allowed  the  use  of  it  until  he 
has  met  all  such  requirements.  Those  who  sympathize 
with  labor  are  urged  by  members  of  the  union  to  pur- 
chase no  goods  which  do  not  bear  this  emblem. 

In  1898  the  local  Garment  Workers  pronounced  the 
Flour  City  Manufacturing  Co.  to  be  the  only  Rochester 
establishment  selling  clothing  with  the  union  label.  Seem- 
ingly there  had  been  little  or  no  action  previous  to  this 
time  concerning  its  use,  but  a  very  definite  movement 
was  now  inaugurated.  Firms  were  investigated  as  to 
whether  or  not  they  handled  union-made  clothing  bear- 
ing the  label  and  those  not  doing  so  were  advertised  as 
unfair.  Thus  in  the  Labor  Journal,  June  3,  1904,  ap- 
peared the  following  admonition:  "Stay  away  from  the 
Union  Clothing  Company,  Garsons,  McFarlins  and 
Strauss  Brothers  as  they  don't  want  your  patronage." 
This  agitation  has  been  carried  on  more  or  less  spasmodi- 
cally ever  since;  but  it  has  never  attained  to  a  great 
degree  of  success  in  the  city.  In  1909  it  was  announced 
that  the  McFariin  Gothing  Company  would  handle  a 
large  line  of  union-made  clothing;  but  the  movement 
in  Rochester  is  so  weak  that  many  stores,  which  carry 
few  or  no  labeled  goods,  are  advertised  in  the  Labor 
Journal  It  seems  somewhat  incongruous  to  read  in  one 
section  of  this  paper  a  request  to  purchase  only  union- 
made  goods  and  then  find,  on  the  opposite  page  possibly, 
the  prominent  advertisement  of  a  firm  which  pays  but 
scant  attention  to  the  label. 
Closed  Shop.— The  Knights  adhered  strictly  to  the 

71 


I 


I 


« 


INDUSTRY  AND    TRADE    UNIONISM 

policy  of  the  closed  shop.  Although  they  frequently 
were  not  able  to  furnish  the  employers  with  all  the 
union  help  they  desired,  the  employment  of  nonunionists 
was  not  permitted.  Thus  Adler  Brothers  and  many 
other  firms  found  themselves  unable  to  fill  their  orders 
because  nonunion  help  they  could  not  hire  and  of  more 
union  help  they  was  none.  The  boycott  was  again 
the  chief  instrument  in  the  enforcement  of  this  policy. 
The  Knights  resorted  to  but  few  strikes,  but  maintained 
a  closed  shop  in  almost  every  factory  in  the  city. 

Under  the  United  Garment  Workers,  before  the  strike 
in  1903,  the  principle  of  the  closed  shop  was  tacitly, 
though  not  by  written  agreement,  enforced  by  the  Cut- 
ters* Union  and  recognized  by  the  employers;  but  now 
a  member  of  the  union  will  work  wherever  he  can  get 
a  job ;  for  the  clothing  makers  to-day  have  but  one  closed 
shop  in  the  city,  vis.,  Goldwater's.  The  local  unions  are 
practically  powerless  to  force  the  closed  shop  upon  un- 
willing employers. 

Welfare  Features 

Benefits. — It  was  the  policy  of  the  Knights  to  pay 
sick  benefits.  Subsequent  to  the  disruption  of  that  local 
organization  and  previous  to  the  strike  in  1903,  the  United 
Garment  Workers  of  the  city  also  paid  sick  and  death 
benefits ;  but  since  the  strike  the  union  has  been  too  weak 
to  carry  out  any  beneficiary  policies. 

Labor  Bureau. — The  cutters  who  belonged  to  the 
Knights  of  Labor  and  were  out  of  work  procured  posi- 
tions in  the  manner  described  in  their  Constitution : 

Article  V.  Section  1. — This  assembly  shall  have  a  labor  bu- 
reau under  the  control  of  the  executive  board.  No  person  shall 
make  application  for  work  in  any  shop  without  permission  from 

72 


OF  AN  AMERICAN  CITY 

the  board  and  they  shall  send  members  in  the  order  in  which 
they  applied  or  had  their  names  registered  on  the  books  of  the 
secretary  of  the  labor  bureau. 

Section  2.— Should  any  firm  apply  for  any  particular  man, 
such  a  man  may  be  sent  regardless  of  what  position  his  name 
occupies  on  the  book. 

Section  5.— No  member  of  this  assembly  shall  be  permitted  to 
apply  for  work  in  any  shop  unless  sent  there  by  the  secretary 
of  the  labor  bureau  and  no  organized  shop  shall  permit  any 
brother  of  this  class  to  work  in  their  shop  unless  they  have  an 
order  from  the  secretary  of  the  bureau  after  being  notified  by 
the  executive  board  through  their  shop  committee. 

The  United  Garment  Workers  maintained  a  similar 
bureau  previous  to  the  strike  in  1903.  Since  then  the 
bureau  has  ceased  to  exist. 

Aid  Policy.— A  voluntary  aid  policy  to  help  unionists 
of  other  trades  has  been  supported  by  the  clothing  work- 
ers of  the  city.  In  1898  they  adopted  measures  to  pro- 
hibit members  patronizing  nonunion  dailies;  in  1899  they 
contributed  to  the  Pennsylvania  coal  miners,  and  in  1901 
to  needy  metal  polishers  in  Dayton ;  they  even  threatened 
members  with  punishment  who  patronized  a  nonunion 
barber  shop.  These  measiu-es  tend  to  bind  organized 
trades  together  in  common  sympathy  and  reciprocal  sup- 
port. 

Protection  of  Public  Health.— The  policy  of  the  unions 
is  to  eliminate  as  far  as  possible  all  conditions  of  gar- 
ment making  inimical  to  the  health  of  the  ultimate  pur- 
chaser. The  following  cases  will  illustrate.  In  1905  a 
special  committee  investigated  and  made  public  imsani- 
tary  conditions  in  a  certain  sweatshop.  The  publicity 
helped  to  correct  the  evil.  In  1906  Secretary  Bohrer  of 
the  Central  Trades  and  Labor  Council  wrote  the  Board 
of  Health  as  follows :    "I  was  instructed  to  notify  you 

73 


I 


INDUSTRY  AND    TRADE    UNIONISM 

of  the  fact  that  the  parties  residing  at  No.  i6,  Philander 
St.,  had  a  scarlet  fever  sign  tacked  on  the  house  and 
were  at  the  same  time  working  on  clothing  on  said 
premises."  Needless  to  say  this  was  speedily  attended  to. 
This  policy  of  the  unions  is  of  inestimable  value  to  the 
commimity  in  general  as  well  as  to  each  one  of  us  in 
particular  when  we  wear  ready-made  clothing. 


to 


k. 


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ft. 

o 

O 


o 


to 


k, 
O 


to 
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s 


o 


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ft, 

o 


The  average  percentage  of  strikes 

in  the  United  States  (on  basis  of 

establishments  involved,  wholly  or 

partially  successful  is 

63.22% 

o 
c 

G 

V> 

Qi 

•c 

-4-> 

w 

O 

c 

u 

l-l 

<u 
0, 

o 

o 

Succeed- 
ing 
wholly 

or 
in  part 

O 

NO 

On 

to 

ei5 

On 

d 

Below 

average 

per  cent. 

of 
success 

o 
o\ 

Above 

average 

oer  cent. 

of 
success 

00 

d 
o 

»o 

The  average  percentage  of  Rochester 
strikes,  wholly  or  partially  successful  is 

50% 

V3 

■c 

•t-> 
w 

u 

o 

tn 

.c 
o 
o 

Vt-I 

o 

• 

c 

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O 

U 
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o 

o 

o 

^0 
NO 

to 

o 
o 

y-* 

Succeed- 
ing 
wholly 

or 
in  part 

o 
o 

vO 

NO 

o 

o 

>o 

Below 

average 

per  cent. 

of 
success 

\o 

NO 

Above 

average 

per  cent. 

of 
success 

8 

o 

o 

On" 

This  table  shows 

the  relation  of 

the  per  cent,  of 

strikes  that  are 

successful  to  the 
industrial  pros- 
perity of  the  times 

Condi- 
tion of 
business 

Pros- 
perous 

o 

•  «-< 

c 

Pros- 
perous 

en 
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1889 
1890 

1892 
1894 

1899 
1903 

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76 


AUTHORITIES  CONSULTED 


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1 1 


'    .i. 


Annual  Reports  of  N.  Y.  State  Board  of  Mediation 
and  Arbitration  for  the  years,  1888-1909. 

Reports  of  New  York  State  Department  of  Labor. 
Twenty-first  Annual  Report  of  the  Federal  Commis- 
sioner of  Labor,  1906. 

Federal  Report  on  the  condition  of  "Woman  and  Child 
Wage-Earners  in  the  United  States."  Vol.  2.  (Report  of 
Commissioner  of  Labor  on  men's  ready-made  clothing 
mdustry  in  the  United  States,  August  8,  1910.  Federal 
Senate  Document  No.  645  (Sixty-first  Congress,  Second 
Session.) 

Complete  Files  of  the  Labor  Journal  of  Rochester. 
Files  of  the  Rochester  Times. 

Annual  Reports  of  the  Rochester  Chamber  of  Com- 
merce. 

History  of  Rochester  and  Monroe  County.— William 
F.  Peck. 

Rochester,  A  Story  Historical.— J.  M.  Parker. 

Rochester    Trades    Assembly   and    Building    Trades 
Council.     Illustrated  History. 

Article  on  Rochester  Labor.— Paul   Moore   Strayer, 


i 


78 


1r 


'■:nM. .•■':-'■::.  "■■'^r- 


w 


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COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY   LIBR.  •*~^'-         ^  U^  w^  O 

This  book  is  due  on  the  date  Indicated  belovB  ^^^  — -~ — 

expiration  of  a  definite  period  after  the  date  of  bo 

provided  by  the  library  rules  or  by  special  arrang         — _ _...„.,.„,,  „. 

the  Librarian  In  charge.  Representative  industry  and  trade 

unioiiism  of  an  American  city 


DATE  •ORROWCO 


DATS  OUC 


OCT  3 } 


\W^ 


-ip. 


C2a(449)M50 


OATK  BORROWCO 


^^^cX/SS^J 


OCT  3  1  1949 


COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITJUBRA^^^^^^ 


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0044255691 


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END  OF 
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